30 September 2010

N45 Galas by-election that worries BN more.....

The timing for the Galas state by-election is certainly not good as the last quarter of the year is a rainy season and Umno leaders are also busy with several major events. Prime Minister and Umno president Datuk Seri Najib Razak has to prepare the 2011 Budget, drafts his presidential speech for the Umno general assembly, and gets ready the Economic Transformation Programme (ETP) when he returns from New York after attending the UN general assembly.

Deputy Prime Minister and Umno deputy president Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin is also about to go abroad on business, and is expected to announce the government decision on whether to abolish the UPSR and PMR public examinations soon. Najib has not announced the ETP yet, and even if the by-election falls in November, many economic plans have not been launched yet and could not be used to help the Barisan Nasional in the by-election. Nevertheless, Umno cannot avoid the challenges and tests brought about by the by-election.

In addition to the problem of time, there are also other problems, including the Umno factional problems in Kelantan, particularly in ensuring full support from influential Gua Musang MP Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah. Razaleigh is a veteran party leader, but a dissident in the party. He wanted to run for the party president position for twice but failed to get enough of nominations. He has been very close to PAS recently and even supports the Kelantan state government to ask for oil royalty from the federal government. Also, he has also agreed to chair a parliamentary caucus on oil royalty.

Razaleigh has been the Gua Musang MP for nine terms. He has the ability to influence the results of the by-election. Umno must also beware of the Malay rights group Perkasa as it might take the opportunity to show its strength and appealing power. It might scare away nearly 30% of non-Malay votes.

Another disadvantage for Umno is that PAS can exploit several issues, including the 5% oil royalty. PAS is ruling the state, and is therefore a match for Umno in terms of manpower and material resources. To save its face, PAS cannot afford a loss. The Pakatan Rakyat has suffered a defeat in the Ulu Selangor by-election, together with the resignation setback, the Galas by-election is an opportunity to fight back. It is also a warm-up battle before the impending Sarawak state election.

The MCA does not wish to see the by-election either as there are 24.01% of Chinese voters in Galas. The MCA will have to bear a great responsibility if anything goes wrong. It is believed to be merely a political strategy when the Gua Musang MCA division made a request to field a MCA candidate for the by-election. Although the party crisis is over, the MCA has not fully recovered yet. It does not have many issues to play with as the Islamic state issue has been proven useless, particularly in Kelantan ruled by PAS.

Based on these factors, PAS should be able to win the by-election. However, the majority votes of 646 gained in the 2008 general election are expected to be reduced. PAS won a narrow victory with only 65 majority votes in the Manik Urai by-election last year. Therefore, it is not easy to get a big win.

Gua Musang is one of the Chinese-populated areas in Kelantan with historical temples and nice people. A by-election is going to change the quite village life. The by-election will not change the political situation but under the slow political reform, hopefully it can at least bring some impacts.- Lim Sue Goan,Translated by Soong Phui Jee.

source:Sin Chew Daily

Though UMNO had appointed Ku Li as the BN/Umno election director, can Najib really trust him?, after all Ku Li will be eyeing for the top UMNO post soon.

Kemenangan UMNO/BN di Galas mungkin menjadi satu tamparan hebat kepada Najib, kerana ianya scara tak langsung akan menaikkan semula imej Ku Li dalam UMNO. Semua orang tahu bahawa Ku Li sememang bercita-cita untuk menerajui UMNO kerana bagi Ku Li, imej UMNO sudah tercalar teruk dan perlukan perubahan,iaitu perubahan dari atas sampai ke bawah.

Apa pula, kalau UMNO/BN sengaja memberi laluan kepada PAS atau sengaja tewas kepada PAS, sebagai satu strategi UMNO untuk melemahkah pengaruh Ku Li di mata ahli-ahli UMNO?

Kemungkinan juga, Ku Li dipilih menjadi calon UMNO/BN di Galas? Kalau Ku Li menang ia akan menjadi satu masalah besar kepada UMNO,kerana populariti Ku Li masih kekal. Tapi kalau Ku Li kalah, Najib dan UMNO akan bertepuk tangan kerana sekurang-kurangnya Najib/UMNO tahu Ku Li sudah tidak dikehendaki dalam UMNO. Beranikah Najib mencuba perjudian ini?

Dalam politik macam-macam boleh berlaku........

Read 'Will Umno field Razaleigh for Galas by-election?' here.


N45Galas : The Ku Li factor.....

In the run-up to the Galas by-election, the 12th since the 2008 general election, both PAS and Umno are hellbent on getting Gua Musang MP Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah on their side. Although he carries an Umno membership card and heads the Gua Musang division, the former finance minister has been more than critical of his party and the BN-led federal government of late.

Razaleigh had raised eyebrows lately by publicly throwing his support behind the PAS-led Kelantan government in its bid to claim oil royalty payments from the federal government. He has even offered to testify in the state government's lawsuit filed against Petronas last month, as he had drafted the Petroleum Development Act 1974.

Razaleigh, popularly known as Ku Li, will be an influential - if not decisive - factor in the Galas by-election, as the state seat is located within his parliamentary constituency. Kelantan PAS election chief Abdul Fatah Harun told party organ Harakahdaily yesterday that they are confident that Razaleigh will have his own way of dealing with the by-election.

“We cannot underestimate the Ku Li factor, but we are certain that his own mood regarding BN is not so great these days,” Abdul Fatah who is also the Bukit Tuku assemblyperson.

“We hope that he will maintain a low profile since he has been edged out by the BN leadership all this while.”

'Working for BN'

However, Razaleigh has indicated that he will be “working for BN to regain the seat”, which Umno lost to PAS in March 2008. But he has appeared to attach conditions, saying that his role would be more effective if he is able to move about and oversee the preparations, as top leaders do.

“I will work hard with the other leaders in the division to ensure the state seat comes back to the BN fold,” he told Malay-language daily Berita Harian. Bernama reported later today that Razaleigh has been appointed BN/Umno election director for the upcoming Galas by-election. Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin in a statement said the decision was taken at a meeting of Umno's management committee in Kuala Lumpur today.

"With the blessings of Umno president (Najib Abdul Razak), I have contacted Tengku Razaleigh to inform him of the party's decision and he as agreed," said Muhyiddin, who is also Umno deputy president and deputy chairman of the BN. Kelantan Umno chief Mustapa Mohamed has been appointed deputy election director.

Muhyiddin said he was confident that under the leadership of Razaleigh, who had vast experience and influence in the constituency, the BN's chances of wresting the seat from PAS were much brighter. The Galas state seat fell vacant following the death of its assemblyman Chek Hashim Sulaima, 46, from PAS, on Monday due to cancer.

Incumbent Che Hashim Sulaima, 48, died in Kuala Lumpur on Monday after a long battle with colon cancer. He defeated Saufi Deraman of BN in 2008 with a majority of 646 votes when he garnered 4,399 votes. The state seat, which has 10,330 voters, consists of 65.4% Malays, 22.3% Chinese, 1.8% Indians and 10.5% others, mainly the Orang Asli. The Election Commission, which was formally notified yesterday about the vacated seat according to Bernama, has yet to fix a date for nominations and polling.- Regina Lee

Baca 'Ku Li jadi tumpuan p'raya kecil DUN Galas' di sini.

Baca 'Perpaduan Melayu: Nik Aziz ajak ahli Umno sertai PAS' di sini.

Baca 'Pilihanraya Kecil Galas Menyulitkan Tengku Razaleigh' di sini.



29 September 2010

N45 Galas - yang melompat dan mee segera.......

Kisah lompat melompat dah mula dah!!!... sebelum SPR menetapkan tarih PRK di N45 Galas.

Kira-kira 500 ahli PAS keluar parti di DUN Galas kerana tidak yakin dengan PAS dan kerajaan negeri Kelantan.Mereka terdiri dari beberapa orang Ketua Cawangan dan ahli-ahli PAS yang sudah lama berjuang dengan PAS.

Mungkin bila sampai hari mengundi nanti hampir semua ahli-ahli PAS Galas dah lompat masuk UMNO??? Itu baru kisah ahli PAS lompat masuk UMNO.

Projek-projek mee segera pun dikatakan dah mula kedengaran. UMNO dan gomen sudah tentu akan tabur berjuta-juta ringgit bagi projek-projek mee segera.

Jangan lupa tentang 'Santa Clause Najib 1Malaysia' yang akan datang dan berjanji untuk memberi wang berjuta-juta sama ada untuk membina mesjid,tokong atau sekolah di Gua Musang nanti.

Hampa dah lupakah janji Santa Clause Najib 1Malaysia di Hulu Selangor dan Sibu dulu?

Tontonlah video berikut untuk peringatan...... "Lu mau 5 juta wau mau lu punya undi"


DPM Mahyuddin agrees with Branson on Sodomy II trial.....

Richard Branson, founder of budget flights Virgin Group, was in Malaysia to attend an investment seminar. He told reporters that the way the Anwar case was being handled turned off the international community and would color foreign investor’s opinion of the country.

"I hope the case gets dropped. The case is fundamentally wrong and it does not make Malaysia look good in the world map,'' Branson said on Monday.

Today the Deputy Premier Muhyiddin Yassin has admitted that Anwar Ibrahim's second sodomy trial is a blot on the foreign investment radar that should be wiped clean as soon as possible.

"If you ask me, of course, I wouldn't want the case to be in our courts. Without such a high-profile case, Malaysia would do better (with foreign investments). It is best that the case is over as soon as possible" he said.

Muhyiddin was commenting on remarks yesterday by British tycoon and Virgin Group founder Richard Branson that the sodomy trial was one of the reasons investors shy away from Malaysia.

Read 'DPM-PM collision course:Agrees with Branson on Sodomy II' here.

Baca 'Branson: Perbicaraan liwat Anwar jejas pelaburan' di sini.

source:malaysiakini/malaysia chronicle

DPM Muhyiddin Yassin had once said that Malaysia would not bow to pressure from any quarters, including foreign countries, over the sodomy case involving Parti Keadilan Rakyat advisor Anwar Ibrahim. Why a change of heart?

Where in the world do you see the prosecution holding back all the evidence and supported by the courts?....... only in 1MALAYSIA!!!!

Anwar's Sodomy II is infact a BULLSHIT!!!

Tell that to Najib and big Mama.......


28 September 2010

Project Bakun-Commercial deal or Bailout - 2 x 5,5x 2...

The federal government’s decision to sell the Bakun dam to the Sarawak government is not a bailout but a purely commercial deal, says Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin.

"The decision is purely on a commercial basis," Muhyiddin said, after officiating at the World Capital Markets Symposium organised by the Securities Commission today.

"It is done from a business sense, nothing otherwise,” he said, when asked to comment to remarks by the Opposition that the sale could be seen as a bailout.

"We are finalising the right pricing and going through all the fine details," he said. "But I can’t comment on what will be the right price…it will be announced later."

Muhyddin was commenting on the government’s recent move to sell the 2,400 MW Bakun dam to the Sarawak government. The Sarawak government is carrying out a technical, finance and legal study on the project, which cost the federal government more than RM7.3 billion. Sarawak has placed a bid of over RM6 billion to buy over the dam from the federal government. This means that the proposed multi-billion ringgit undersea power transmission cable between Sarawak and Peninsular Malaysia is now shelved.


Terlalu banyak dah kes yang dikatakan bukan 'bailout' tiba-tiba bertukar jadi kes 'bailout', spt PKFZ dsbnya, semuanya angkara gomen 1Malaysia menipu rakyat.

Tak kisahlah, kita tahu bila Mahyuddin kata penjualan projek Bakun itu adalah satu 'commecial deal' sebenarnya ia adalah 'BAILOUT' ala Najib 1Malaysia.....

Mahyuddin, you can fool your UMNO dungus but not the rakyat......


Daim Zainuddin’s Monopoly Game.....

If there’s an award for the best dressed wolf in sheep’s skin, you can be sure of only one winner – Tun Daim Zainuddin. The former finance minister is perhaps the politician former Prime Minister Mahathir least has to worry simply because Daim was not an ambitious politician. Daim loves money and young women more than anything else and this includes power that comes with the position as Finance Minister. And Mahathir was freaking comfortable with such person. Furthermore Mahathir and Daim were intimate friends from the same village in Alor Setar. Daim was so influential during Mahathir’s administration that Musa Hitam, Deputy Prime Minister, couldn’t get Mahathir’s attention when Musa commented about Daim’s dealings in awarding huge projects to his cronies such as Tajuddin Ramli, Halim Saad, Wan Azmi, Samsuddin Hassan, Rashid Hussain, Amin Shah and others.

Daim, the Mr Moneybags of UMNO, can easily become the richest man in Malaysia if his wealth is openly declared. During his day as the Finance Minister, Daim persuaded Mahathir for absolute power in running the Economic Planning Unit and the nation’s Treasury. In short projects were awarded directly to “preferred” companies aka cronies. As Finance Minister, Daim practically ordered banks to lend money to any companies he desired. Daim and his cronies also profited tremendously from shares allocated from company listing (IPO) on the Kuala Lumpur Stock Exchange.

At one time Daim Zainuddin was so powerful (and greedy) that his boss, Mahathir, was speechless when confronted by not only Chairman of Japan’s banks but also former Britain’s Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher that Daim Zainuddin’s demand on the quantum of commissions was simply outrages. Daim was so influential politically and monetary that he can influence the ups and downs of the local stock exchange. Eventually Mahathir had to relieve Daim Zainuddin of his position lest the PM wish the whole world to know about the irregularities.

Of course Daim Zainuddin was linked to many scandals over his journey in wealth accumulation. Daim was allegedly illegally acquired 40.7% of UMBC in 1984 while he was already Finance Minister. He also owned substantial stake via nominees in previously Development & Commercial Bank, Rashid Hussain Berhad, Bank of Commerce, United Asian Bank, Southern Bank, and Ban Hin Lee Bank before their mergers in the 1990s when he was still Finance Minister. Daim’s name is also linked in the RM8 billion controversial electrified double-tracking railway project spanning from Gemas to Johor Baru. It seems CREC (China Railways Engineering Corp.), a Chinese company that has Daim Zainuddin’s finger-prints and was awarded the Letter of Intent, is fighting tooth and nail with Najib’s administration because the PM wanted the project to be awarded to another company. Najib’s crony and golf buddy Tan Kay Hock was allegedly asking RM500 million commission of which RM200 million was for Najib’s family.

One of his cronies, Tajuddin Ramli, recently created havoc when he exposed that it was former prime minister Dr. Mahathir Mohamad and former finance minister Tun Daim Zainuddin who instructed him to buy shares in Malaysia Airline System (KLSE: MAS, stock-code 3786) to help Bank Negara (Central Bank) recover from foreign exchange losses in 1994. And now another (Daim) crony tycoon Halim Saad who was bailed out in the 1997/1998 Asia financial crisis is making headlines in the local stock market.

Halim Saad controlled now defunct Renong Group which in turns owned PLUS and UEM Group Berhad. Both PLUS and UEM are now owned by Khazanah. It was reported that Halim and Daim are the man behind Asas Serba, a company which proposed to tale over 25 toll expressways in the Peninsular Malaysia. Asas Serba has offered 20% cut in toll rates in its RM50 billion bid for the acquisition as a carrot to lure the ruling government to accept the proposal. Politically this is attractive since the government could cheer the voters while the government could save RM114 billion (from 2010 until 2038) in a lopsided agreement that allows the concessionaires to raise toll rates every 3-years.

The contender was from Syed Mokhtar Albukhary, one of Najib’s many cronies, who is offering RM45 billion to take over all assets of highway concessions with a 10% toll reduction across the board. The proposal also includes a promise not to increase toll rates in the remaining years of the concession. The whispers on the street were that Syed Mokhtar is already monopolize the nation’s sugar (that’s right, Robert Kuok no longer the Sugar King) and rice industry so should the same person be crowned the Highway King as well?

However out of all the concessions, the biggest is PLUS Expressway Berhad (KLSE: PLUS: stock-code 5052) which is also the only toll operator owned by the government. But there’re more questions than the excitements about the PLUS possible acquisitions:

1. Why is the government rushing to cash-out their “cash-cow”? Does the de-facto ruling government somehow know they would lose in the next general election?

2. Isn’t RM50 billion too costly a price to pay, not to mention difficulty in finding that amount of funds? 3. Will other highway operators willing to sell their respective cash-cows? 4. Is RM50 billion sufficient to acquire all the 25 expressways considering the bidders need to pay attractive premiums in order for the concessionaires (especially PLUS and Litrak) to let go of their goose that is laying golden eggs? 5. If history were to repeat itself, will Santa Claus Halim Saad (or Syed Mokhtar) need another bailout at a later stage considering they do not have expertise in highway maintenance? 6. If Asas Serba can offer 20% cut in toll rate and still able to make profit, why can’t the ruling government do the same?

A low-profile Daim Zainuddin who is known to be a great tactician does not seems to be bother about funding. After all he owns Swiss-based ICB (International Commercial Bank) Group via Daim Limited’s 61.3% stake and if he desires he just need to pull his political connection strings to secure the funds. Daim plans his moves silently and with great care. Nobody should be surprise if he has the backing of Mahathir to return to the corporate scene. And does the return of Daim Zainuddin from overseas means the alleged RM3 billion cash in RM500 and RM1000 notes siphoned out to Indonesia has been successfully brought back and converted into “usable money” ready to be used?



27 September 2010

Adun Galas dies.....

Galas state assemblyman Che Hashim Sulaima died today of colon cancer, triggering the country’s 12th by-election. He was 48. Gua Musang PAS vice-chief Hussin Embong told The Malaysian Insider that Che Hashim died at 4.25pm.

The Kelantan Speaker will have to inform the Election Commission which will then call for a by-election within 60 days. Che Hashim had been suffering from colon cancer for more than a year and was admitted to Kampung Baru Medical Centre here last week.

The one-term assemblyman had been diagnosed with cancer in 2009, when he underwent a medical check-up at a hospital in Kuala Lumpur. The PAS lawmaker had been receiving treatment at specialist hospitals in Kota Baru and Guangzhou, China since then.

Che Hashim captured the Galas state seat from Barisan Nasional (BN) by a majority of 646 votes in Election 2008. He received 4,399 votes, defeating incumbent Saufi Deraman. In the 2008 general election, PAS was able to capture 38 of the 45 state seats in Kelantan while BN won six and PKR managed only one.

The Galas seat is under Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah’s parliamentary constituency of Gua Musang. The Malays make up 65.81 per cent of the more than 10,000 voters in the state constituency, the Chinese 22.03 per cent, Indians 1.81 per cent, while other races are at 10.32 per cent.


(Anggota Dewan Undangan Negeri(Adun) Galas, Che Hashim Sulaima meninggal dunia pada jam 4.30 petang hari ini di Hospital Al-Islam, di sini, kata Setiausaha Perhubungan PAS Kelantan, Mohd Zaki Ibrahim.

Beliau meninggal dunia pada usia 48 tahun akibat dari lama menanggung derita melawan kanser tekak yang dihidapinya dan sejak setahun yang lalu beliau sudah dimasukkan ke hospital dan keadaan beliau dilaporkan tidak stabil sejak itu.

Dengan pemergian beliau ke rahmatullah, Speaker Kelantan akan beritahu kepada Suruhanjaya Pilihan Raya (SPR) bahawa kerusi itu kosong dan mengesyorkan SPR supaya memanggil pilihan raya kecil bagi kawasan tersebut dalam masa 60 hari.)

N45 Galas

Chek Hashim Sulaiman(PAS) - 4399
Mohd.Saufi Deraman(BN) - 3753

Turnout - 8323
Spoilt - 171
Majority - 646
Total Voters - 10330

source:malaysian insider/thestar

Moga Allah mencucuri rahamat ke atas rohnya.

Al Fatihah!

Apa hubungan Nazir Razak dengan ETP......

1. Ramai pemimpin Umno bimbang Program Transformasi Ekonomi (ETP) yang dibentang minggu lalu adalah sebenarnya Program Mengkayakan Nazir, adik Perdana Menteri yang menjadi bos besar CIMB.

2. Adik Najib yang sudah lama mengurus bank GLC ini secara terang terang penyokong kuat Idris Jala, budak Kelabit yang menjadi menteri melalui lantikan sebagai Senator. Nazir asyik membela ‘labs’ Idris dan mempertahankan Menteri KPI walaupun bekas eksekutif Shell dan MAS ini dengan secara bongkak meramalkan Malaysia akan jatuh bangkrap dalam masa sembilan tahun lagi.

3. Nazir juga kerap membincang pasal ETP. Tidak hairanlah sebab dia dan machai-machainya di CIMB sudah lama merancang untuk mengambil alih program ini untuk kepentingan ekonomi peribadi. CIMB sudah mula merisik untuk menjadi bank perdagangan projek MRT Gamuda-MMC yang bernilai sekurang-kurangnya RM40 billion.

4. Apatah lagi lubuk emas yang diperkatakan dalam pembangunan ‘Greater KL’ yang diumumkan on Perdana Menteri. Yang kurang diketahui umum ialah penglibatan Nazir sebagai ahli lembaga pelaburan KWSP. Jawatan ini akan menolong ‘Malaysian Top Banker’ untuk medapat kontrak kontrak lumayan untuk mengendali kewangan projek projek membangunkan tanah RRI di Sungai Buloh.

5. Si adik Perdana Menteri ini akan meraih keuntungan yang paling besar dari ETP sehingga dia dengan secara terbuka dilihat berseloroh dan ketawa semasa pelancaran ETP dengan Idris, yang ditugaskan antara lain menjaga hak istimewa Bumiputra. Yang dijaga hanya kepentingan si Nazir sahaja.

6. Bank-bank lain hanya akan medapat cebisan cebisan daripada ETP. Yang majoritinya akan diberikan kepada CIMB, yang dalam masa yang singkat menjadi bank kedua besar di Malaysia. Walaupun kita boleh ucap tahniah, tetapi cara CIMB menaiki tangga sampai ke tempat kedua adalah dengan menggunakan nama pemimpin kita. Bukan kerana mereka bagus sangat.

7. Pegawai pegawai dari bank bank lain sudah lama merungut bahawa semua projek lumayan di dalam ETP telah dikhaskan untuk Nazir dan CIMB, yang sebelum ini mendapat kontrak untuk menyenaraikan MAXIS di Bursa Saham Kuala Lumpur. Ini tidak beza dari usul Synergy Drive yang sekarang menjadi Slime Darby Berhad.

8. Soalnya ialah kalau Perdana Menteri Najib Razak akan membenarkan adiknya mencemar dan mempersendakan program ketelusan dan reformasinya dengan cara caranya untuk meraih semua kontrak besar di negara ini yang dibawah naungan ETP?

9. Bolehkah Nazir biarkan bank-bank lain menyertai ETP supaya untungnya dapat di beri sama rata kepada lebih banyak lagi orang Malaysia, khasnya Melayu dan Bumiputera lain yang bukan bin Abdul Razak.

10. Najib patut adil dalam perkara ini, walaupun ia melibatkan keluarga. CIMB sudah kaya sampai mendirikan pejabat dan cawangan bank di Indonesia, Singapore dan Thailand. Syarikat Melayu lain bagai mana pula?

11. Pihak pembangkang patut bertanya soalan ini dan mengikuti jejak Nazir ini sampai ke Seri Perdana untuk mempastikan perhubungan tali keluarga tidak bermakna ‘Malaysian Top Banker’ ini mendapat untung kerana dia adik PM.

source:putridjaya wordpress.com


25 September 2010

Syabas demands RM380 mil from Selangor Govt...

The Selangor government says they will not be cowed by threats of legal action by water concessionaire Syarikat Bekalan Air Selangor Sdn Bhd (Syabas), who are demanding a compensation of RM380 million. According to letters dated Sept 15 sent to the state, the company is demanding the amount for losses suffered due to the government's refusal to increase water tariffs.

They also claimed that they had a right to increase tariffs, as stipulated by the agreement signed with the previous government under the BN. Selangor menteri besar's political secretary Faekah Husin has however hit back saying Syabas did not deserve to receive higher tariffs because of the shoddy service that they provided.

“Selangor residents are facing all sorts of water-related issues like intermittent supply, bad quality and a high percentage of non-revenue water (NRW) due to bad maintenance of pipes, costing the government millions in losses,” she said in a statement today. She added that if Syabas truly wanted to raise tariffs to as much as 37 percent, as stated in the concession agreement, water would cost more than petrol.

“It is the Selangor government's responsibility to defend the rights of its residents to quality water at a reasonable price,” she said.

'Privatisation not for profit'

Faekah stressed that the aim of privatising water was to ease the burden of the state government in providing basic amenities to the people, and not to reap profits.

While the state is standing firm against Syabas, they have avoided taking the matter to court, preferring instead to negotiate a better structure for the water industry, she said.

“Syabas is aware of the negotiations and it is unreasonable for them to make the claims for compensation at this point,” she said.

Syabas had previously threatened to sue to the Selangor government for RM1 billion over the issue. Interestingly, former Selangor MB and current opposition leader Khir Toyo told Malaysiakini that he believes that the state would win in a court battle against Syabas.


Baca 'SYABAS tuntut pampasan RM308 juta dari S'gor' di sini.


24 September 2010

Puteri Reformasi for Vice President post.........

"I am the daughter of Anwar Ibrahim, I can never erase that fact, but I am also the daughter of the Reformasi movement, so for me the last 12 years have helped me gain a foothold and given me the necessary readiness and conviction to proceed,” she said at a press conference at her service centre today.

"There is no looking back — in the spirit of Reformasi I am moving on," she added.

Nurul Izzah, 30, feels that being the daughter of Anwar, who is the party’s de facto leader, and party president Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, could work both ways in her bid for the VP position.

"It can be deterrent (to a win), but whatever it is, I think I would like to state that I am my own person — and I don’t think anyone’s loyalty should be towards any particular individual, but for the party," said Nurul Izzah, a mother of two.

Nurul Izzah had initially said that she was not vying for any posts but changed her mind after receiving eight nominations.

"I do not take the fact that the nominations came lightly, and that is why I decided to offer myself," she said.

Asked what she would bring to the table in her bid for the position, she said she hopes to represent the younger generation in the party.

Touching on the current spat among some PKR leaders, especially in the contest to fill the deputy president's post which is being vacated by Syed Husin Ali, she said elections are the hallmark of democracy.

"What is important is that the candidates come together after the elections, and the cooling off period," she said, adding that she would not be endorsing any candidate for a particular post.

So far, four candidates have qualified to contest the deputy president's post, namely vice-president Azmin Ali, PKR supreme council member Datuk Zaid Ibrahim, vice-president Mustaffa Kamil Ayub and PKR strategist Tian Chua.

Selangor Mentri Besar Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim, who has one nomination so far, has reportedly said he will announce whether he plans to contest for the deputy presidency only after Oct 5.

At least two nominations are required to qualify for the race. Direct voting for the top PKR leadership posts will take place from Oct 31 to Nov 21.



23 September 2010

Muhyiddin:'Racist' principal outside my jurisdiction...

The Education Ministry cannot decide the fate of the 'racist' Bukit Selambau principal, said Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin, who is also the education minister.

“The minister cannot make any decision on government officers with the pay grade of 48 and above, I believe principals are grade 52.

“For officers of such a grade only the disciplinary board of the Public Services Department (PSD) headed by the director-general can take action,” explained the Pagoh parliamentarian.

Muhyiddin added that the ministry has done its own investigation and had handed over the results to the public service commission to consider and mete out their decision.

“It's their jurisdiction. I have already announced this so just wait for whatever decisions they want to make,” said Muhyiddin.

The Star had reported on Sept 4 that the PSD has received a 16cm-thick report from the ministry and are mulling over what decision to take.


In reality what Mahyuddin says is correct but...... Jangan dok kelentong Mahyuddin ooi!!!. Dalam 1Malaysia ini UMNO lah yang menentukan hidup mati kaki tangan gomennya. Walaupun ada badan disiplin sepertri JPA tapi JPA ini hanya menjadi kuda tunggangan UMNO dan berfungsi sebagai pak turut saja. Segala keputusan muktamad datang atas arahan menteri berkenaan.

Kalaulah, menteri atau TPM atau PM tak masuk campur, Mr. Correct,Correct,Correct dan rakan-rakannya dah lama berehat di Sungai Buloh..........


YB.Nurul Izzah being probed for sedition......

Lembah Pantai PKR parliamentarian Nurul Izzah Anwar is being investigated under the Sedition Act following a police report lodged by Pertubuhan Pribumi Perkasa (Perkasa) accusing her of questioning the constitution.

Speaking to reporters at the Dang Wangi district police headquarters, Nurul Izzah said the report was lodged on Sept 2 over an article she had written for a news portal urging Perkasa to enter a "constructive engagement" on the interpretation of Article 153 of the constitution. Article 153 provides details into the special position of the Malay community and bumiputeras.

The article titled 'The ultimate Malaysia debate: Malaysia or Malaysaja?'(read here) was a comment piece authored by Nurul Izzah and published on Aug 31 in The Malaysian Insider.

"I categorically state my support for our constitution - including Article 153, our royal institutions, Islam as our official religion and Bahasa Melayu as our official language," said Nurul Izzah today.

"I also categorically state that I did not call for to change or to repeal any articles in the constitution."

According to Nurul Izzah, who was quizzed for about 90 minutes, she was asked to provide information on her background, the contents of the article and her intention in penning the article.

'I'm willing to debate openly'

Asked whether she would describe Malay rights NGO Perkasa, as an extremist movement, she sidestepped the question and only said: "I maintain my stance that I'm willing to debate openly and constructively but I'm rather disappointed that they had taken this route." Nevertheless, she added that it did not dampen her spirits from engaging the movement and other rights groups.

Party information chief and lawyer Latheefa Koya, who accompanied Nurul Izzah in the interrogation, however criticised Perkasa's move in lodging a police complaint.

"The police should not be burdened with political issues like this... it's a waste of their time. The issues of whether Article 153 of the constitution should or should not be contested can be debated and settled among politicians," said Lateefah.

"Why can't anyone debate? The police should focus on busting crime. We are very disappointed (because) there is no difference in the way they work now as it was the same under former Inspector-General of Police Musa Hassan," said Latheefa.

In the police report filed by Wirawati Perkasa chief Zaira Jaafar, she claimed that Nurul Izzah's article "may have seditious elements" and urged the police to conduct an investigation.

"In it, she questioned the 'special position' provided under Article 153 of the constitution. She even wanted to debate about this. This is seditious because we are not supposed to question this provision," claimed Zaira. The Wirawati Perkasa chief also said that Nurul Izzah had alleged Malay rights is only an ideology and is neither a legal right nor provided for under the constitution. This Zaira believed, was another seditious statement.


Baca 'Wacana bersama Perkasa untuk permulaan baru Malaysia: Malaysia atau Malaysaja? di sini.

Baca 'Mengapa saya ajak Perkasa berdebat?' di sini.


22 September 2010

Syed Husin Ali: Anwar berbeza daripada Razaleigh.....

Dalam politik, musuh kepada musuh adalah kawan. Semua puak dan sekta akan disatu-padukan sebaik mungkin untuk menentang musuh yang utama. Pendekatan sedemikian menjadi salah satu pilihan kepada politik berhaluan kiri, yang sering dilabel sebagai fahaman anti-agama dalam politik tanahair.

Jika diimbas zaman pasca penjajahan Jepun, konsep "kerjasama" ini terjelma dalam bentuk draft Perlembagaan Rakyat, yang dikemukakan oleh gabungan Putera-AMCJA. Kemudian, usaha disusuli dengan cubaan untuk menggabungkan pengikut tiga orang tokoh Ahmad Boestaman (dari Parti Rakyat), Burhanuddin Helmi (dari PAS) dan Ishak Haji Muhammad (Pak Sako, dari Parti Buruh Malaya).

Bagaimanapun ia berakhir dengan ketidakhadiran PAS, apabila Parti Rakyat dan Parti Buruh membentuk Barisan Sosialis (Socialist Front, SF) pada tahun 1958. Kuku besi regim Perikatan (dan Barisan Nasional kemudiannya) terus mencengkam perluasan pengaruh sosialis - untuk beberapa dekad perjuangan sosialis disamakan dengan pengorbanan, seolah-olah perjuangan yang tidak menemui kemenangan...

Apa kata jikalau gerakan Reformasi tidak tercetus pada tahun 1998? "Tidak tahulah..." jawab Syed Husin Ali, bekas Presiden Parti Rakyat Malaysia (PRM) yang mengambil keputusan penting pada zaman yang bergelora itu.

Sesungguhnya, tiada "jikalau" dalam sejarah. Tiada sesiapa yang dapat menjangkakan apa yang bakal berlaku "jikalau" sejarah berlaku sebegini dan bukan sebegitu pada detik saat tertentu. Dalam satu wawancara bersama MerdekaReview, Syed Husin Ali mengimbas faktor yang mencantumkan PRM dengan Parti KeADILan Nasional; dan berkongsi penilaian dan pandangannya terhadap Parti Keadilan Rakyat (KEADILAN), sebelum beliau berundur dari jawatan Timbalan Presiden yang disandang sejak tahun 2003.

Anwar nyatakan hasrat dalam surat

Dalam negara seperti Malaysia, ruang demokrasi kadang-kala hanya berkembang di celah-celah retakan parti pemerintah. Pembangkang melalui zaman paling sukar untuknya setelah berlakunya tragedi 13 Mei 1969. Bukan sahaja Barisan Sosialis berpecah dan terbubar, malah PAS menyertai Barisan Nasional pada awal tahun 1970-an. Harapan pembangkang akhirnya muncul dari celah retakan UMNO pada tahun 1987. Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah pada ketika itu keluar dari UMNO, dan menubuhkan parti Semangat 46, yang seterusnya menjuruskan pembentukan Gagasan Rakyat, satu perikatan politik yang turut melibatkan PRM.

Belum genap 10 tahun kemudian, sejarah yang agak mirip dengan babak ini berulang. Anwar Ibrahim dipecat dari UMNO Baru. Parti KeADILan Nasional ditubuhkan, menjurus kepada pembentukan Barisan Alternatif (BA). Bagaimanapun, seperti tahun 1990, UMNO-BN berjaya mempertahankan majoriti dua pertiga dalam parlimen pada PRU ke-10 tahun 1999, tetapi... Sesuatu yang luar biasa berlaku. BA biarpun tidak terelak daripada nasib keretakan, tetapi menyaksikan percantuman antara Parti KeADILan Nasional dengan PRM untuk membentuk Parti Keadilan Rakyat pada 3 Ogos 2003.

Siapakah sebenarnya yang mula-mula mengutarakan cadangan ini? Soalan yang menjangkakan hanya dua kemungkinan jawapannya, iaitu Anwar Ibrahim atau Syed Husin Ali.

"Tidak pasti," jawab Syed Husin Ali, "Tetapi dalam satu surat Anwar sebut..." Beliau mula menceritakan bagaimana Anwar menyatakan hasratnya dalam surat yang diseludup keluar dari penjara.

"Jadi, pada Dr. Syed, apakah pertimbangan Anwar ketika mencadangkan pencantuman ini?" tanya wartawan MerdekaReview.

"Sebenarnya dia (Anwar) jelaskan, lebih kurang beginilah. Dia melihat bahawa kebanyakan anggota dalam PKN, bukan tak ada, tetapi kebanyakan anggota biasa, terdiri daripada pelbagai golongan..."

Syed Husin Ali bersambung, "Satu golongan UMNO, satu golongan ABIM (Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia ), satu golongan JIM (Pertubuhan Jamaah Islah Malaysia ), satu golongan NGO. Dan kebanyakan anggota biasa ini masih belum ada pengalaman politik, belum ada pandangan politik yang jelas, dan beliau mengharapkan kerjasama daripada Parti Rakyat untuk memberikan misalnya, sedikit... pendirian yang lebih bermakna."

PRM pula, pada ketika itu berdepan dengan masalah perkembangan organisasi yang terbantut, bilangan ahli aktif yang berkurang, meskipun mencatat bilangan 30,000 ahli yang mendaftar pada waktu itu. Syed Husin Ali mengakui realiti bahawa kekuatan PRM semakin menyusut jikalau dibandingkan dengan zaman Barisan Sosialis.

Oleh yang demikian, PRM melihat cadangan pencantuman ini sebagai satu peluang untuk mengembangkan idea kepada massa. Untuk tiga tahun berturut-turut kongres PRM membincangkan agenda ini, dan akhirnya kongres meluluskan usul agar PRM dibubarkan dan bercantum dengan Parti Keadilan Nasional, dengan sokongan majoriti dua pertiga, kata Syed Husin Ali.

Tentangan dalaman kedua-dua parti

Bagaimanapun, pertikaian tidak berhenti di situ. Percantuman ini berdepan dengan tentangan segolongan kecil anggota, termasuk beberapa orang pemimpin dari ABIM. Dalam satu warkah dari penjara berjudul "Pakatan Pembangkang Digeruni Kerajaan" pada Ogos 2003, Anwar sengaja mengungkap lembaran sejarah perjuangan PRM menentang penjajahan dan imperialisme, "untuk memperlihatkan aspek relevan dalam perjuangan kini terutama dalam konteks penggabungan KeADILan dan PRM".

Untuk beberapa tahun yang berikutnya, Anwar perlu mempertahankan bekas gurunya daripada prejudis dan tanggapan negatif terhadap "orang kiri", malah menyatakan kesanggupan untuk berkempen mempertahankan Syed Husin Ali sebagai Timbalan Presiden dalam PKR, kerana menganggap ia sesuatu yang tidak beretika untuk menendang Presiden PRM selepas pencantuman, dengan bilangan ahli yang majoriti.

Sementara itu, keputusan Syed Husin Ali dan parti untuk mengambil risiko dengan membubarkan PRM dan bercantum dengan PKN, turut dipertikaikan oleh beberapa orang rakan seperjuangan dalam partinya. Sesetengah pemimpin PRM tetap meragui keikhlasan Anwar, yang dijangkakannya akan kembali ke pangkuan UMNO.

"Saya pasti dia (Anwar) tak masuk UMNO," tegas Syed Husin Ali dengan yakin, biarpun pendirian Anwar agak "kabur" untuk seketika, sebaik dibebaskan dari penjara pada tahun 2004. Apakah punca keyakinan bekas profesor Universiti Malaya terhadap anak muridnya ini? Soalan ini diajukan kerana Syed Husin Ali memaklumkan kepada wartawan, bahawa Rafidah Aziz (bekas Ketua Wanita UMNO) juga salah seorang anak muridnya.

"Pertama, komunikasi saya dengan dia (Anwar). Sesetengah surat dia masih saya simpan..." Syed Husin Ali meneruskan, "Kedua, mereka (UMNO) sudah begitu menghina dia dengan keluarga dia, tak mungkin dia kembali ke situ."

"Saya kenal dia dah lama, sebagai student (pelajar), sebagai kawan, sebagai orang tahanan sama, sebagai orang yang sama-sama berjuang..." Dengan kata lain, hubungan yang merentasi kira-kira empat dekad inilah yang menjadi benteng kepercayaan Syed Husin Ali terhadap Anwar.

Razaleigh bersifat feudal

Malah, beliau sendiri menyebut nama Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah sebagai perbandingan. "Saya bekerjasama rapat dengan Tengku Razaleigh (bekas Presiden Semangat 46) dulu, saya tak begitu yakin dengan perjuangan Tengku Razaleigh. Tak begitu yakin..."

Beliau turut ketawa dengan luahan dirinya yang berterus-terang, "Ada dua sebab, satu dia bersifat feudal yang kuat. Anda boleh jadi Tengku tetapi pada masa yang sama tak feudal sangat. Misalnya, dalam mesyuarat, orang selalu tunjukkan penghormatan feudal kepadanya. Dan dia macam tak ada benda. Kadang-kadang macam biasa sahaja. Kalau orang yang ada sikit sifat yang tak feudal, dia tak mahu menerima cara-cara begini."

"Dan bezanya dengan Anwar. Anwar you boleh kritik dia. Anggota biasa boleh kritik dia. Dia akan dengar. Terutama sekali seperti sekarang," kata Syed Husin Ali.

"Yang keduanya, Semangat 46 dengan Tengku Razaleigh, mereka tak pernah mahu mengakui diri sebagai pembangkang. Tak pernah mahu menentang kuat pihak polis atau pihak kerajaan. Kalau misalnya dia pergi ceramah, polis datang suruh henti, terus henti. Tak ada lawan tak ada apa... Kalau misalnya sebelum ceramah, tak ada permit, dia tak pergi."

"Anwar tidak, orang-orang PKR tidak. Kalau lagi disekat, lagi mereka lawan. Kalau tak lama pun sekejap (mereka lawan). Tetapi ini semangat yang saya anggap berbeza dengan Semangat 46." Jiwa inilah sebenarnya yang dihayati Syed Husin Ali, yang mungkin ramai di kalangan anggota PKR tidak menyedarinya. Beliau seterusnya mendedahkan, "Tengku Razaleigh pernah minta PRM bersama (Semangat) 46, saya terus tolak."

Anwar berjiwa kerakyatan

Sememangnya, Anwar Ibrahim seorang pemimpin politik yang kontroversial, sepanjang perjuangannya menggunakan wadah ABIM, UMNO dan kini PKR. Tetapi, Syed Husin Ali menemui unsur "kerakyatan" yang sebati dalam jiwanya.

"Saya tahu dia prihatin terhadap orang yang miskin, setinggan. Dalam tahanan, saya nampak dia memang tak ada prejudis terhadap orang Tionghua, atau orang bukan Melayu. Bahkan kadang-kadang, mereka menganggap dalam beberapa aspek, saya lebih melayu (bersifat kemelayuan) daripada dia," katanya sambil ketawa.

"Saya rasa dia seorang yang ikhlas, dan tidak berdendam." Demikianlah jawapannya ketika diminta untuk menilai Anwar Ibrahim. Beliau mengamati perubahan yang berlaku dalam diri anak muridnya ini, "Saya sendiri sangka dia akan masuk PAS waktu itu (selepas dibebaskan dari tahanan ISA tahun 1970-an). Tapi hubungannya dengan Mahathir cukup rapat. Terutama sekali selepas 13 Mei...bila Mahathir dikeluarkan (disingkirkan) daripada UMNO. Dia memang rapat dengan Mahathir. Dan saya percaya Mahathir lebih kuat pengaruhnya ke atasnya."

Bagaimanapun, Syed Husin Ali mengakui, "Dari segi perwatakan, bila dia (Anwar) jadi menteri, ada sifat orang besar sikitlah. Tapi pada hakikatnya saya tahu, pendirian politiknya tak berubah. Sebab tu mudah saja bagi dia kembali kepada yang asal, sekarang ini."

Sejauh mana unsur "kerakyatan" diterapkan?

Penilaian Syed Husin Ali terhadap pencantuman ini setelah tujuh tahun merumuskan bahawa PKR telah memulakan satu tradisi yang amat penting untuk menjadi sebuah parti yang multi-etnik. Pemimpin Melayu telah berani untuk mengetengahkan dasar parti yang bukan bercorakkan kemelayuan dan keagamaan, tetapi kerakyatan.

Wartawan menyusul dengan menyenaraikan Agenda Ekonomi Baru, konsep "Ketuanan Rakyat", slogan "Merakyatkan ekonomi", yang diterapkan ke dalam pentadbiran PKR-Pakatan Rakyat selepas tsunami politik. Syed Husin Ali yang rendah diri bagaimanapun enggan mengundang jasa dalam hal ini. Namun, wartawan melanjutkan persoalan dengan merujuk kepada orang-orang di keliling Anwar, yang kebanyakannya berhaluan kanan, atau liberal. Sejauh manakah unsur "kerakyatan" ini diterapkan dalam dasar parti pada masa depan, apabila Syed Husin Ali tidak berada pada tempat nombor dua ini?

"Saya yakin dari dua segi. Satu, dasar parti sudah jelas. Keduanya, kalau kita perhatikan, ucapan dan kenyataan pemimpin utama kita, terutama sekali Anwar, juga Wan Azizah, dan Khalid Ibrahim misalnya, mereka menekankan aspek-aspek kerakyatan ini. Dan Khalid Ibrahim, walaupun dia seorang dari latar belakang korporat, tetapi sentimennya untuk menolong rakyat, walaupun pada mula-mulanya, rakyat Melayu terutama sekali, adalah sangat kuat."

Beliau menambah, "Jadi saya yakin, mereka tidak akan lari dari teras perjuangan." Namun, siapakah "pengganti" Syed Husin Ali yang bukan sahaja mewarisi jiwa "kepedulian rakyat"-nya, tetapi memiliki kewibawaan untuk mengetengahkan pandangan dalam Majlis Pimpinan Pusat pada masa depan?

"Saya nak tegaskan bahawa, perubahan dalam parti, dasar dalam parti, masa depan parti, tidak ditentukan oleh satu orang. Tetapi ditentukan oleh organisasi seluruhnya," tekannya, setelah enggan menyebut nama khusus pemimpin baru yang berkongsi idealisme bersamanya, seperti yang diminta wartawan. - Lim Hong Siang



Tok Guru Nik Aziz ke rumah keluarga arwah Sosilawati....


21 September 2010

Selangor - the battleground for Malaysia's future.....

In most ways, Selangor and its politics cannot help but set the tone for Malaysian governance in the years to come. The federation succeeds or fails, depending on what happens in this key state. One could go so far as to claim that the nature of Malaysian federalism itself depends on how Selangor governance will develop over the next few years, how that will strengthen the Pakatan Rakyat in its bid to take federal power, and to what extent decentralisation of power will define Pakatan Rakyat's federal politics.

Geographically, Selangor is centrally situated; economically, it is the richest; development-wise, it is the most advanced; demographically, it is the fastest growing; and politically, it is the jewel in the crown for any party hoping to control the federation. Its industrial infrastructure is also the best in the country.

All this has led to a powerful influx of labour of all skill levels into the Klang Valley over the last 40 years. This is of course reflected in the enormous investments that has come into the region from the private, public and foreign sectors. Whether Malaysians like it or not, economic growth relies on urbanisation and the free flow of labour, and although what is termed 'agriculture' contributes greatly to the state's economy, this sector is based largely on agricultural industries such as palm oil and rubber.

The first cut

Selangor came into being in 1766 as a sultanate neighbouring an apprehensive Dutch-controlled Malacca. It was centred on Kuala Selangor, and was peopled by Bugis immigrants settled in a region earlier populated by Minangkabaus from across the Straits. As in the case of Penang slightly to the north 20 years later and Singapore half a century hence, huge numbers of migrant peoples soon moved into Selangor. This trend brought into being stable polities that exhibited strong political dynamism and enviable economic acu

It was in Selangor that the Alliance model of politics was born in the early 1950s, which made it possible for the British to convince themselves that they could pull out and not leave their rich Malayan holdings to the communists. Kuala Lumpur was chosen as the new country's capital, and yet no Malaysian prime minister has emerged from this 'Abode of Sincerity' (Darul Ehsan). It was also in Selangor that the country's worst racial riots broke out on May 13, 1969. And it was in order to nullify the possibility that this important state headed by a sultan would once again run the risk of falling to the non-Malay opposition that the central government of the day administratively cut Kuala Lumpur away from Selangor on Feb 1, 1974 to be controlled centrally as a federal territory.

This left the population of the capital with a one-tier democracy, allowing them only the right to vote for parliament. Back in those days, Kuala Lumpur was very much a non-Malay city, and such considerations were important to the delicate balance of power. Forty years down the road things have indeed changed greatly and 'the best laid schemes of mice and men', not to mention of central governments, have unravelled in many complex ways. The demographics alone tell an exciting story.

Resistant to racial politics

Between 1995 and 2000, 131,400 people from Kuala Lumpur moved out into Selangor to join 13,000 other immigrants from other states, especially from Perak, Johor, Pahang, Kelantan and Pahang. Interestingly, Selangor was the only state in Malaysia, aside from Pahang where the figure is dropping, to show net immigration by 2000. Figures from that year show that two out of seven persons registered in the state had migrated from elsewhere. These figures alone go some way towards providing the socio-economic reasons for the new political trends that became undeniable on Mar 8, 2008. We are seeing a concentration of young people of all races moving very quickly into the most lucrative part of Malaysia.

The grounds for success for Pakatan Rakyat parties in Selangor are therefore as much socio-economic as they are ideological. Indeed, the two are hard to separate at this point. Not only does the urban and migratory nature of Selangor's population make things difficult for systems based on patronage that the BN had been fostering, the fact that more than half of Selangor's constituencies are racially mixed weakens campaigns propounding racialist and ethnocentric thought.

In 2000, Muslims - meaning Malays - actually made up 53.3 percent of the population in urban areas. No doubt, three out of four rural people were from the Muslim community, but if one considers the fact that the urban population grew by 62 percent during the 1990s, and the rural population by 21.1 percent, the trend is clear. Aside from important factors such as the growth of the Internet and the lack of capable leaders in the BN, one has to draw the conclusion that the federal government was unable to read the changed situation or respond adequately to it. Even after March 2008, it has failed to counteract the opposition with a credible discourse, and the measures taken to oppose the new Selangor government have not been in the realm of positive discourse.

Pakatan must assess weaknesses

Of the five states won by opposition parties in March 2008, the case of Selangor holds extra significance because of its centrality where economic development, demographic concentration, urbanisation, inter-ethnic relations and political fervency are concerned. Penang, Kelantan and Kedah are fringe states with conditions that are not typical of the rest of the country, while Perak lacks economic significance. Selangor's fate is bound to decide the future of the country in a profound manner.

The major challenges the Selangor government has had to face stem from several sources. This has strengthened the conviction in its ranks that the Pakatan must win the next general election if things are to change dramatically on all fronts. However, what seems he most effective way of ensuring victory next time around is for each state run by the Pakatan to structure policies, arguments and visions that the public can easily respond to. To do that, Pakatan parties have to do some serious soul-searching and consider their internal weaknesses.

Four outstanding issues present themselves.

First, Pakatan Rakyat inherited a sustained administrative system and a public economy based on patronage, privilege and political contacts, where many civil servants continue to identify themselves with the old regime, and consider the new government as an aberration. The power that the federal government still exerts at ground level despite having lost state elections has been a painful lesson for Pakatan parties and for the people who voted for them. How this is to be handled is a major concern for the Pakatan Rakyat state governments.

Second, there is inexperience in Pakatan's rank and file where the running of a government is concerned, that significantly includes a tendency to underestimate the might of the federal government. This weakness can be overcome over time through experiences that are being gained, but also through a concerted effort to better the quality of Pakatan leaders. The painful decision of letting old loyalists go is being postponed in many cases and is damaging Pakatan's reputation. The fear of legislators joining the BN if offended is a major problem.

Third, there is the lack of a unifying ideology, especially within PKR, many of whose members came into maturity in the BN school of politics. PAS had problems initially withstanding the lure of 'Malay unity' that the Umno dangled before some of its members. This issue seems to be shelved for the moment. While agreeing on a common platform is a start, it is still critical for Pakatan parties to reach a more compact consensus on issues of secularism and rule of law, if its image is to transcend the public suspicion that its politics may be merely tactical and expedient.

Fourth, the fact that political opposition in Malaysia had for a long time been a self-sacrificial undertaking has created a 'street-fighting culture' among non-BN politicians and parties. Party discipline is therefore a regular problem. Over the last two years, Pakatan Rakyat leaders have also had difficulties changing their behaviour and image from being oppositional in character to being credible policymakers. One major challenge for each party will be how they can convince their rank and file to be more inclusive. The DAP has to appear less Chinese in character, the PKR has to appear less of a collection point for the discontented from all schools, and PAS has to appear more concerned with humanitarian ideals than religious correctness.

Over the last two years, Selangor's Pakatan government has been able to show in many instances that it understands what is required of it. Aside from consolidating the three parties into a credible alternative to the BN coalition, it was compelled to showcase policy measures that differentiate it essentially from the practices – and most importantly, the ethics – of its predecessor. No doubt, this had seemed an easy job to do given the excesses of the previous regime under Mohd Khir Toyo.

Adopting best practices

The future of the Pakatan does depend greatly on Selangor, the testing ground for the Malay-led multiracial PKR. Its measures must therefore not only clear the ground for a stable two-coalition political system, it must also adopt best practices evident in successful governance models in other countries. The move to register Pakatan as single political party with a common policy platform has been welcomed by many, although there are worries among some that such a move of simplifying the opposition into an apparent united entity on too many fronts may shape Pakatan into a mirror image of the BN in the long run.

Another example of a highly visible and effective measure aimed at defining the government's ethos is the special Select Committee on Competence, Accountability and Transparency (Selcat) it founded in May 2008. This aims to enhance transparency. The initiative taken by the PKR to bring dubious courses held by the National Civic Bureau (Biro Tatanegara or BTN) into public discussion is perhaps the move that has gained the Selangor government a lot of credit and credibility. It had been an open secret for decades that these courses were propagating Umno racialist ideology on a national scale.

The ambition to realise a Freedom of Information enactment is also popularly received and eagerly awaited. It is already becoming common for members of the public to call for the release of all sorts of public documents, showing increased interest and knowledge among the ublic in matters of governance. Such moves can no doubt run foul of federal legislation such as the Official Secrets Act, and even the Internal Security Act, but Selangor is pushing the limits both from within the government and from a public happily participating in the new and evolving mass media.

No mere testing ground

Selangor also has the initiative where the separation of powers at the state level is concerned. It is striving to enact a law that will make the state assembly independent of the state government and its administrators. Such an achievement will be difficult for other states to ignore. Indeed, that is the essence of politics in this transitory stage in Malaysia's history, and that occurs behind the common rhetoric pronounced in the mass media. Policymaking competition is the name of the game, and with the help of the new media, this can be watched and judged by a large and interested public, unlike in the old days when the flow of information was strictly controlled by the BN government.

Since many of Malaysia's ills are often blamed on the New Economic Policy that had survived 20 years longer than originally planned, the Pakatan's alternative of a needs-based programme has to be worked out in detail and publicly discussed. Given the special position that Selangor commands it is not merely the testing ground for future nationwide policies. It is where new solutions must evolve and where second chances will be rare. Any failure on its part to respond to the wishes of the somewhat fickle electorate and to new economic challenges will have grave repercussions on the country's ability to manage globally. The most serious issue to consider when the next general election comes around is how much decentralisation of federal power Pakatan will publicly wish for.

The chances for state power to be amplified vis-à-vis the centre will increase if an agreement is reached between the three parties before going into the election, than if the matter were left to be decided after an eventual taking of federal power. One of the greatest worries that voters have about the Pakatan's federal ambitions is that it will retain much of the centralist model of BN.

In which case even if its policies were more transparent they would not be more democratic since the need for consensus between the three parties would compromise the goals of each party, and consequently the freedom of the individual states. These uncertain times when the federal government retains power but is unable to go on a convincing campaign to win back voters, and the opposition, though impressively strengthened, has to bide its time at the state level, develop its governing skills and knowledge about public administration, and recruit and train a better breed of personnel, is therefore a period of innovation, learning and soul-searching.

Of all the Pakatan-ruled states, it is Selangor that can set the tone. Indeed, it is Selangor that is on the frontline where the battle between the 'old politics' of race and patronage and the 'new politics' built on international best practices is being fought. So far, the new is not doing too badly. - Ooi Kee Beng



20 September 2010

Bila Guan Eng bertemu Imam Muda,UMNO meroyan lagi.....

Lim Guan Eng sambut hari raya bersama warga Gelugor,Penang.


17 September 2010

Sambil siasat kes Sosilawati,siasat bekas KPN sama......

PAS mahu tindakan sewajarnya diambil terhadap segelintir anggota Polis Diraja Malaysia (PDRM) yang didakwa cuai dan tidak serius dalam menyiasat beberapa laporan kes kehilangan. Ketua Penerangan PAS Pusat, Ustaz Idris Ahmad berkata parti itu memandang berat kenyataan yang mengatakan ada laporan kehilangan tidak disiasat dengan serius.

"PAS mengharapkan supaya pegawai yang cuai terhadap laporan yang dibuat terhadap beberapa kes pembunuhan dan menghilangkan mangsa oleh kumpulan mafia ini mesti disiasat sama. Apa makna laporan dibuat jika siasatan tidak dibuat dengan cara yang serius," katanya.

Ujarnya lagi, PAS meletakkan kepercayaan terhadap jaminan yang diberikan oleh Ketua Polis Negara, Tan Sri Ismail Omar untuk mengambil tindakan terhadap pegawai polis yang cuai apabila laporan kehilangan yang tidak siasat dengan serius.

"Ini adalah merupakan ujian awal ke atas Ketua Polis Negara yang baru," katanya lagi sambil menyifatkan sangat malang jika perkara tersebut benar-banar berlaku.

PAS, jelasnya tidak mahu lagi melihat akan ada lagi pembunuhan bersiri seperti yang berlaku kepada Allahyarhamah Sosilawati dan tiga yang lain. Kecekapan polis, ujarnya juga sedang dipersoal apabila rakyat tertanya-tanya kenapa tindakan pantas tidak dibuat sebelum ini seperti mana tindakan pantas terhadap kematian Allahyarhamah Sosilawati Lawiya.

Beliau merujuk kepada laporan kehilangan seorang jutawan India, Allal Kathan Muthuraja, 34, yang dilaporkan hilang di Malaysia, 18 Januari 2010 selepas menemui suspek di Banting atas urusan perniagaan. Sumber berkata, suspek itu juga dikatakan terbabit dalam pembunuhan seorang wanita bernama T Selvi, 44, yang juga isteri kepada pemilik bengkel di hadapan rumahnya, tahun lalu. Mangsa dikatakan dibunuh selepas berselisih faham berhubung pinjaman sejumlah wang dengan suspek utama, seorang peguam bergelar Datuk.

"PAS tidak mahu negara ini dikuasai oleh “mafia” yang menganggu ketenteraman negara dan keharmonian rakyat di negara ini," katanya.

Sehubungan itu, PAS mengharapkan segala laporan yang pernah dibuat kepada polis mengenai kehilangan misteri perlu diselongkar kembali, pegawai yang terlibat perlu disiasat untuk menjaga maruah institusi polis.


Kes rasuah,salahguna kuasa penculikan dan pembunuhan yang dikaitkan dengan orang2 ternama berprofile tinggi,terutama daripada UMNO,MCA dan MIC banyak berlaku semasa zaman bekas KPN Musa Hassan.

Kini tiba masanya bekas KPN Musa Hassan ini disiasat sama ada dia terlibat dalam cuba menutup dan melindungi kes-kes ini daripada pengetahuan umum.

Soalnya,siapa yang mahu mula melakukannya siasatan ini? KPN baru....Peguam Negara....SPRM atau Najib......

Read 'Interference in the Malaysian Police Force' here.

So, RPK must be damned right about Musa Hassan as he put it......Next he framed the ex-CCID Director, Ramli Yusuff. It was so badly handled that he personally had to take the witness stand in Kota Kinabalu to testify against Ramli. The judge, however, said that Musa was lying to his teeth (although in a more diplomatic manner) and Ramli was acquitted without his defence being called -- not once, but three times. This has greatly embarrassed the government and not only does it add weight to the allegation that Ramli was set up -- and by the top cop on top of that -- but it also confirms that this is the modus operandi of the Malaysian government.


16 September 2010

Zaid - the deputy presidency is a powerless post....

Federal Territories PKR chief Zaid Ibrahim has refuted claims that he is an 'enemy of the party', and that he is paid by businessman Soh Chee Wen to destabilise it from within.

“I don't really want to answer all these allegations, but something as unbelievable as this must be refuted,” he said in a posting on his blog yesterday.

Zaid related how he was approached by PKR leaders when he arrived in Kuching to hear the High Court decision on a NCR land case, and was asked if he was being funded by Soh to sabotage the party.

“Soh, as far as I know, is a close friend and confidant of opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim and has been helping out PKR,” explained Zaid.

“Party vice-president Azmin Ali, Kelana Jaya chief Syed Shahir Syed Mohamud and Johor chief Chua Jui Meng knew all this.”

Zaid said he only got to know Soh when he was appointed by Anwar as a PKR political bureau member nine months ago.

“It is inconceivable for Soh to suddenly be depicted as a villain just because he became close friends with me. But when he was close to Anwar, he was a saviour? Isn't this peculiar? I don't need to be funded by Soh or anyone (else).”

Zaid noted that the 'enemy' tag has been cropping up regularly of late, with party elections just around the bend.

“It seems that anyone who has offered to run during the party elections, but is not liked (by certain parties), is being labelled as an enemy of the party and opposed to the struggle (for reform).

“Is this their way of campaigning these days? (By) accusing me of being a traitor and that I am new and untried?”

The former Umno stalwart said he only offered to be a candidate in order to provide an alternative for PKR members in their choice of leaders.

“How I can be an asset to the party? I will explain in full if I get a nomination later,” he said.

Zaid also argued that the deputy presidency - which he wants to contest - is a powerless post. He believes that being Number Two in politics is only for the glamour and name, and comes without real clout. This is especially so in PKR, he said, where even the president does not have the powers that their de facto leader (Anwar Ibrahim,) holds, a post which is incontestable.

“I don't really understand all this ruckus about the Number Two post,” said Zaid.

'Be mature and progressive'

Zaid opined that the solution to the issue is simple enough, without need to resort to dirty tactics or coercive means. If PKR members are happy with the 'reformasi' leaders, they should choose those from the 1998 period to lead, he said. If they believe that all the party's problems stem from Umno's inventive 'Trojan horse' meddling, then they should choose the current 'new' line-up to lead.

The PKR elections are the first for the party and indeed, said Zaid, marks a first in Malaysian politics. He insisted that this is an opportunity to prove that the party is capable of democratic elections, especially with the voting being watched by the entire country.

“Let the voting process and party elections be conducted as a 'friendly contest'. We as a party must show the rakyat that PKR is a mature and progressive party,” he added.