Din wants to rule by fiat...

On Saturday, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin had his maiden media interview. This was a public relations exercise. He is the prime minister, so such flexing is par for the course. He needs to build rapport among Malaysians anyway, given his use of the unsavoury “backdoor” to wrest power from Pakatan Harapan. But we will leave that discussion for another day and time.

Now, in that interview, Muhyiddin said a lot of things. But I’d like to hone in on a few issues. His responses to these display how aloof and complacent he and his government have been since Malaysia went into a lockdown styled as the movement control order (MCO).

Firstly, while acknowledging that the country is losing RM2.4 bil every day due to the MCO, he added: “This is my priority … let there be no terminations or layoffs, but then again these are businesses and if they are unable to sustain much longer, what choice do they have? It is not like they can hold to their workers as in normal times. They will be without a source of income used to run their operations or to pay salaries.”

Maybe the good PM forgot to check with the Department of Statistics Malaysia (DOSM) about its latest findings on the effects of Covid-19 on the economy and Malaysians.

Though the department, in its report titled Report of Special Survey on Effects of Covid-19 on Economy and Individual (Round 1), added the caveat that the figures should be interpreted with caution as they are not considered “official statistics … it can be used to support in reflecting the current situation.” That part, reflecting, could have served Muhyiddin and his government well.

Here are a few of the report’s findings:

a. The agriculture and services sectors registered the highest percentage of job losses compared to other sectors with 21.9% and 15% respectively.
b. In the agriculture sector, 33% and 21.1% of workers from fishing and agriculture and plantations sub-sectors respectively had lost their jobs.
c. 35.4% of employees in the food services sub-sector have lost their jobs and followed by transport and storage at 18.7%.
d. More than two-thirds (71.4%) of self-employed respondents have sufficient savings for less than a month.
e. 77.2% of employers and 82.7% of private employees have sufficient financial savings of up to two months.
f. 69.7% of those working less than a year and 63.2% of those working between 1-3 years reported that their financial savings will run out in less than a month respectively.
g. 25.4% of those working four to 10 years and 27.5 % of those working 11-20 years have sufficient savings of up to 2 months.
h. The majority of the employees are unprepared if the MCO is extended except for those working in government-linked companies (GLCs) and multinational corporations (MNCs).

Prime Minister, even your own stats department is screaming bad news. People have and are losing their jobs. And in case you are unaware, some of these companies that have donated money to various Covid-19 initiatives have also taken the opportunity to cut staff salaries.

Berjaya Corporation Bhd on March 20 donated RM1 mil to your Covid-19 fund. This is the same Berjaya Corp which a few days ago announced “austerity measures” due to the pandemic. This basically means salary cuts, the percentage of which is to be based on the salary range bracket, and a reduction of fixed monthly allowances.

Sapura Energy Bhd’s chiefs Tan Sri Shahril Shamsuddin and Datuk Shahriman Shamsuddin also donated to two Covid-19 funds organised by media group The Edge. But this is the same Sapura that has initiated salary cuts across the board of 5% to 45% as well as “workforce rationalisation,” or the more crude word for that – layoffs. Sure, their defence will be that the C-suite has taken a 50% pay cut, but come on, what is 50% for a chief of whatever.

The best part: these companies that have donated are still entitled to tax deductions. No tax breaks or such perks for their unemployed or now poorer staff.

Some gallows humour here at the expense of someone’s sanity, but now we really know that a public health crisis can drag you down a notch, from your M40 dreams back into the B40 hole you desperately clawed your way up through blood, sweat and tears. But your T20 boss … he is none the poorer.

B-b-b-but, there is the wage subsidy programme, you say? Well, according to journalist Haresh Deol, after calling up Socso, he was informed that the payment advice emailed was to show that the application had been accepted. The funds, however, would only be transferred in stages, “apabila Perkeso dapat dana.”

Secondly, there’s good ol’ Makcik Kiah and Pakcik Salleh. I wonder how they are doing right now? In his speech on March 27, Muhyiddin calculated that Mak Cik Kiah and family will receive cash support and savings of RM8,664 over six months or RM1,444 per month. But by now, they’d be worrying as they eat into their savings, if they have any. There’s no revenue coming in.

Goodbye, cashflow. And when the RM1,600 reaches them in two tranches, it’ll be too little too late. The Malay Mail has some good anecdotal coverage on the plight of hawkers, cafe owners and traders. Some good pieces include “No work, no EPF savings: Some PPR folks find money drying up as country goes into extended MCO” and “Traders: Closure of PJ’s Jalan Othman wet market could affect supply of fresh produce in Shah Alam, Subang, Damansara.”

To think that Muhyiddin actually tried to get us to believe that he understood the plight of the everyday Malaysian when during that interview he mused about using Makcik Kiah and Pakcik Salleh as examples of how down-to-earth he was, including his use of the common greeting, “Apa khabar?” Oh yeah, anyone can go “Apa khabar?” behind a screen. The teleprompter won’t throw a fit.

And, since xenophobia has reared its head once again, have we even talked about the legal migrant workers here, who amount to some two million, who have no income whatsoever during this period? They are the backbone of the country’s economic engines, since most of them ply their trade in construction, plantation and services.

Didn’t the Ministry of International Trade and Industry announce yesterday that companies in selected services can resume operations as normal, you argue? Well, just like the barbershop gaffe, this edict is poorly thought through. Daycare, schools, and kindergartens are still closed due to the MCO. So where do parents send their kids too?

Maybe if they had a domestic worker to deal with their bratty bunch, that’d be great. But how many have such privileges? Heck, it’s a luxury. These things Muhyiddin, MITI minister Datuk Seri Azmin Ali and even Finance Minister Datuk Seri Tengku Zafrul Tengku Aziz will never understand since they have domestic workers to clean up after them.

And, lastly, there is that one-day Parliamentary sitting in May, leaving any chance of proper debate and also implementation of a real fiscal injection out the window. Of course Muhyiddin had something to say about this too. At the interview, he said Malaysians were sick of politics and were expecting the government to tackle issues that they were facing.

“The people do not want to talk about politics, they are sick of it. They want to know what the government, the Cabinet ministers, the administration today is doing to tackle the issues that they are facing.”

But how is he going to do that when the big fiscal fireworks have to get parliamentary approval?

Let’s face it, Muhyiddin wants to rule by fiat. Parliament is dead. And the elites will continue to sigh “Alhamdulilah,” “Hallelujah” and “Thank the Gods” while the rest of us will be left to lick our wounds and pray to the same gods to help us survive unemployment, salary cuts and, more importantly, the banks once the moratorium ends.

Best of all, those of us taxpayers will try to eke out a living while begrudgingly paying our taxes to a government that doesn’t seem to care about us. That too is par for the course these days in addition to PR exercises. - Emmanuel Samarathisa

Politicians' arrogance revealed 

by their MCO disregard...

During the coronavirus pandemic, the majority of rakyat have, by and large, adhered to the rules, but Malaysian politicians who openly defy the strict conditions just show that they consider themselves above the law and that the law only applies to ordinary citizens.

When politicians misbehave, the nation loses all the trust and respect for them. Don't they know they should set a good example to the others? Breaking the law has only increased the people's ire and disgust of them.

In a live telecast on March 18, Muhyiddin Yassin pleaded with Malaysians to observe the Movement Control Order (MCO) and desist from holding gatherings, going on holidays, or "balik kampung". He said, "...Just stay at home and protect yourself and your family."

His plea had been made when it was reported that despite the MCO, bus stations were busy with people rushing back to their hometowns, while the police had reported that highways to the north, south and east were congested. Muhyiddin said the lockdown would contain the spread of coronavirus infections, and help control the number of people who could contract the virus. 

He also said coronavirus had an incubation period of 14 days, and that the symptoms might not show up for two weeks. So, why did the politicians who broke the MCO rules disregard this important message to keep the people safe and stop an escalation of infection?

Many Malaysians have long since realized that the laws only apply to them and that many politicians break the rules. They have little faith in the system, and as one social observer said, "There are two sets of laws: one for the politicians, and another for ordinary people. A person who steals milk powder to feed his starving baby is jailed and fined. A politician who steals millions of taxpayers' money is allowed to escape scot-free. Where is the justice?"

On April 22, senior minister Ismail Sabri said 17,735 individuals had been arrested for violating the MCO. This is only 0.06 percent of the country's population of 31 million and shows that majority of Malaysians are observing the MCO rules.

In contrast, a number of politicians from the ruling coalition Perikatan Nasional (PN) have openly flouted the MCO, including Terengganu menteri besar Ahmad Samsuri, deputy health minister Dr Noor Azmi Ghazali, Perak executive councilor Razman Zakaria, and deputy youth and sports minister Wan Ahmad Fayhsal. A minister invited people to record a TikTok video in her office, and the daughter of Umno-Baru president visited politicians in Putrajaya.

Why are politicians and politically connected people allowed to visit one another? Wouldn't a telephone call do? What message does it send to the public?

What does it say, when a single mother was given a 30-day jail term for violating the MCO but Terengganu MB Ahmad Samsuri will not get charged for the same offense? Photographs of Ahmad dining with former MB Ahmad Said have been circulated on social media. The former MB will not be charged. The Attorney-General's Chambers (AGC) has classified Ahmad Samsuri's case as "No Further Action" (NFA).

No one is making excuses for the single mother, but did the magistrate consider the trauma that will be inflicted on the single mother's 6-year-old son? Who will take care of him during his mother's imprisonment? Why was she not given the same sentence as the MB? Justice should be seen to be dispassionate and impartial.

When photographs of deputy health minister Dr Noor Azmi Ghazali and Perak exco Razman Zakaria having a meal with 18 other people in a tahfiz school in Lenggong were uploaded onto Facebook, there was a public uproar. There was no social distancing and the gathering was not essential under the terms of the MCO. The two were investigated and finally charged at a court in Grik for violating the MCO. They were fined RM1,000.

Many questions remain.

Would these two and the others who were seen in the photographs have been investigated if not for the rakyat's condemnation? Few people are satisfied with the sentence, especially as these men should have led by example. They probably only apologized because their boss had seen how their behavior had angered the rakyat.

In most other countries, people who hold senior positions in government and have committed serious breaches of the law have resigned because they have brought shame to their departments and their leaders.

Elderly people who walked to buy food for their families were thrown into prison for breaking the MCO. A single mother was jailed, but two others who were present in court on the same charges were only fined. The sentencing seems very haphazard. Was each individual's circumstances considered?

It appears that in Muhyiddin's administration, double standards and different punishments for the public and government officials are here to stay. Jail is reserved for members of the public, when by right government officials should have been more severely punished.

As for the RM1,000 fine, one is reminded by the words of a former Umno-Baru minister who said RM2 million is like loose change for him. If Muhyiddin wants to make a difference, the hypocrisy and double standards must cease. - Mariam Mokhtar

Bukan masa nak tolong Rohingya,

utamakan warganegara kita dulu...

Sindiket bawa 202 Rohingya di L'kawi minggu lalu Kenakan RM2,000 seorang. Menteri kata ahli keluarga sudah ada di negara ini perlu bayar tambahan RM13,000. Rancangan bawa masuk pelarian sudah lama dirancang. Perancangan membabitkan sindiket, ejen.

Rohingya Myanmar ni bayar RM2,000 kpd sindiket di Cox Bazar, Bangladesh untuk sampai di sini ahli keluarga kena bayar RM13,000 kepada ejen jumlah dibayar ialah RM15,000 semuanya.

"Kita akan terus buru sindiket terbabit" Menteri kata demikian pada sidang media di IPD Langkawi,selepas menyertai pemantauan perairan membabitkan APMM, Polis Marin 
turut hadir KSU KDN,  Pengarah KDNKABCD, Ketua Imigresen, Ketua Maritim.

SIAPA DALANG DI SEBALIKNYA?

Web rasmi KDN berkongsi modus operandi sindiket membawa masuk pelarian secara haram dengan bayaran sebanyak RM15,000 untuk 1 kepala.  Kaedah Bayaran RM2,000 di Bangladesh / Myanmar dan bakinya apabila berjaya mendarat di Malaysia maka ahli keluarga sedia ada di Malaysia perlu membayar lagi RM13,000 untuk 1 kepala sebelum mereka boleh ambil ahli keluarga yg diseludup masuk. 

Bayangkan 1 kapal ada 400 orang maka RM15,000 x 400 = RM6,000,000 (RM6 juta!!) adalah satu perniagaan amat menguntungkan. 

Jika dalam 1 tahun sindiket dapat membawa masuk 10,000 orang maka bayaran mereka terima sekitar RM150,000,000 (RM150 juta).

Tolaklah kos sewa kapal ikan, makan minum atas kapal dan kos diesel dan kos pelincir lain jika ada adalah 30% bersamaan RM45 juta maka ada baki RM105 juta untung bersih setahun untuk hanya 10,000 kepala sahaja. 

Syarikat MAS / Malindo / Air Asia pun tak boleh nak untung RM105 juta untuk terbangkan 10,000 penumpang sahaja. MAS yang mengangkut berjuta-juta penumpang setahun pun masih rugi RM791 juta pada tahun 2018.

Hukuman menyeberangi sempadan Negara... 

1. Jika anda menyeberangi sempadan Korea Utara secara haram, anda akan dihukum 12 tahun kerja pecah batu.
2. Jika anda menyeberangi sempadan Iran secara haram, anda akan dipenjara 100%.
3. Jika anda menyeberangi sempadan Afghanistan secara haram, anda akan ditembak mati.
4. Jika anda menyeberangi sempadan Arab Saudi secara haram, anda akan dipancung pada hari Jumaat.
5. Jika anda menyeberangi sempadan Amerika Syarikat secara haram, anda akan dipenjarakan sebagai pengganas.
6. Jika anda menyeberangi sempadan British secara haram, anda akan ditangkap, didakwa dan dihantar ke penjara.
7. Jika anda menyeberangi sempadan MALAYSIA secara haram, anda berpeluang tinggi untuk mendapat:

- Mykad sementara atau
- Status PR Penduduk Tetap atau
- Kad UNHCR untuk cari kerja
- Lesen Memandu
- Tempahan Kerja
- boleh dapat Kad kredit
- boleh buka akaun di mana2 bank
- mendapat pendidikan percuma termasuk dalam bahasa Myanmar
- Penjagaan kesihatan dgn kos minimal 
- jika anda wanita hamil boleh bersalin di hospital kerajaan
- boleh jadi tauke kedai runcit.
- boleh jadi bos bagi orang Melayu
- boleh beli rumah
- boleh beli tanah free hold
- boleh dapat keistimewaan Khas Bumiputera jika anda Islam, berbahasa Melayu 
- akan dapat hak mengundi (jika ada Projek IC di kawasan anda)
- boleh kahwin wanita Melayu lebih daripada satu
- boleh guna nama isteri Melayu untuk pinjaman / bantuan bumiputera
- boleh buang isteri Melayu dan lari balik ke Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indon
- isteri Melayu akan tanggung pinjaman bumiputera
- akan dibela parti politik Melayu /Islam,terutamanya UMNOPAS
- boleh sertai kumpulan pengganas Salafi / Wahabi / Abu Sayaf 

OSTB Conclusion :  Jadi apa pula akan berlaku kepada kes-kes pelarian Rohingya yang mana kapalnya sudah selamat sampai di Malaysia  tetapi 'ahli keluarga mereka' di sini tidak mempunyai duit baki RM13,000 itu untuk "membebaskan" mereka daripada sindiket seludup Rohingya itu? Takkan pelarian Rohingya itu akan dihantar pulang ke Cox Bazaar? No way.

Sudah tentu sindiket seludup Rohingya itu perlu ada tempat sulit untuk 'penjarakan' pelarian Rohingya sambil menunggu ahli keluarga mencari baki wang RM13,000 untuk 'membebaskan' mereka daripada sindiket. 

Di manakah agaknya "kem-kem tahanan" atau "holding tank" untuk penjarakan pelarian Rohingya yang belum bayar baki RM13,000 itu? Apakah mereka akan di tahan di Ritz Carlton Langkawi? Saya rasa tidak mungkin. Apakah mereka akan ditahan dalam hutan atas bukit yang jarang di patrol oleh pihak berkuasa?  Saya main agak-agak saja. 

And then kalau ahli keluarga pelarian Rohingya itu tidak mempunyai duit RM13,000 macam mana pula? Apa yang akan berlaku? Apakah mereka akan ditanam dalam mass grave pula? Just thinking of the possibilities ok.  

Ataupun apakah mereka boleh minta pinjaman jangka pendek (short term financing) daripada persatuan atau organisasi tertentu yang terlibat dengan business seludup Rohingya ini? atau daripada kalangan mereka sendiri, yang sudah kaya raya di sini. Takkan dia pinjam duit daripada Maybank. Dengan kadar interest rate yang berpatutan untuk membayar balik pinjaman duit 'membebaskan' ahli keluarga mereka?  

You see folks, at RM15,000 satu kepala and 150,000 Rohingya in the country it adds up to RM2,250,000,000.00. Kalau tak tahu baca that is RM2.25 BILLION !! 

Katakanlah this figure is off by 90%. Say it is only 10% of RM2.25 Billion.That is still RM225 MILLION. That is a lot of money bro. From my knowledge of the Bazaar Ramadan corruption, it was only millions of Ringgit or tens of millions. Yet the corruption went all the way up up and up. 

This Rohingya human trafficking involves hundreds of millions of Ringgit. This has to involve really high, high people.  Nak angkut dalam satu lori pun tak cukup. Kena angkut dengan kapal Rohingya yang besar sekali. - OSTB

Mau turun kat Langkawi dan Selayang...

cheers.

Sepuluh cluster dalam PN, Din tubuh parti baru?...

Bagi seorang individu yang begitu aktif terlibat dalam satu rampasan kuasa awal tahun ini, adalah aneh untuk Tan Sri Muhyiddin mendakwa kononnya orang ramai sudah meluat dengan politik dan sebaliknya mahu kerajaan bekerja keras demi rakyat. Orang ramai boleh melihat bahawa watak-watak utama dalam kerajaan ‘gabungan anak ayam’ Perikatan Nasional (PN) lah yang sedang berebut kedudukan dan kuasa sambil negara berdepan krisis wabak Covid-19.

Barangkali Perdana Menteri membuat kenyataan sedemikian dalam usahanya untuk menyembunyikan hakikat bahawa pada ketika ini, beliau berada dalam keadaan yang amat berbahaya walaupun mempunyai kuasa besar sebagai ketua kerajaan.

Kenapa saya kata begini? Kita mulakan dengan satu kisah benar. Saya dan Lim Kit Siang bergegas pulang dari acara di Johor pada 25 Julai 2015 atas permintaan Setiausaha Agung Parti Keadilan, Saifuddin Nasution Ismail untuk satu perbincangan tergempar. Sebagai sekutu rapat, kami memang sering berbincang, terutamanya apabila ada perkembangan penting dalam politik negara.

Saifuddin memberitahu kami bahawa beliau mendapat khabar yang Peguam Negara Abdul Gani Patail akan mendakwa Perdana Menteri Najib Razak atas kesalahan salahguna kuasa dalam kes SRC pada minggu berikutnya. Kit Siang berfikir seketika dan bertanya kepada kami: “Adakah Najib akan menunggu sahaja membiarkan dirinya di’sembelih’?” Tiga hari kemudian, pada 28 Julai 2015, Gani, Muhyiddin dan Shafie Apdal dipecat daripada kerajaan Barisan Nasional.

Berbalik ke hari ini. Muhyiddin sedang mentadbir gabungan lemahnya ini dengan kewujudan 10 puak dalam PN. Ada empat puak dalam parti Bersatu – mereka yang masuk pada tahun 2016; mereka yang masuk Bersatu dari Umno selepas Pakatan Harapan menang dalam PRU 2018; kumpulan Azmin Ali; dan penyokong Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad yang mampu menimbulkan masalah dalam pemilihan parti yang nampaknya telah dilengahkan ekoran krisis Covid-19.

Empat puak lagi adalah kumpulan-kumpulan bertelagah dalam Umno; setiap satunya dipimpin Najib, Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, Hishammuddin Hussein, dan kumpulan tak berpihak yang dianggotai Mohammad Hassan serta Khairy Jamaluddin. Dua puak lagi ialah PAS dan Gabungan Parti Sarawak.

Pilihan-pilihan Muhyiddin

Sebaiknya, Muhyiddin akan mahu menghapuskan penyokong Mahathir, dan mencari jalan supaya Bersatu tidak menjalankan pemilihan parti. Beliau akan mahu menghindar cabaran Mukhriz untuk kerusi presiden, yang walaupun sukar untuk Menteri Besar Kedah itu menang, namun tidaklah begitu mustahil. Muhyiddin juga tahu bahawa daripada empat puak Umno, beliau hanya boleh percayakan puak Hishammuddin.

‘Pemberontak’ PKR, Azmin Ali sedang berharap untuk mempunyai struktur parti bagi beliau memainkan peranan penting dan untuk membawa masuk penyokong akar umbinya yang sekarang tidak mempunyai induk politik kerana Bersatu berada dalam keadaan tergantung. Beliau juga perlu mewujudkan ruang untuk penyokong bukan-Melayu yang tidak lagi dialu-alukan dalam PKR serta tidak mampu ke mana-mana.

Bagi mengabsahkan kerajaan Muhyiddin, beliau perlu menunjukkan bahawa kerajaannya bersih. Pengundi, terutamanya golongan penentu atas pagar dalam kalangan orang Melayu, amat menghargai soal integriti, selain soal kesejahteraan ekonomi.

Selain menjamin peluang pekerjaan dan kesejahteraan ekonomi untuk rakyat Malaysia, Perdana Menteri turut perlu menunjukkan kepada pengundi bahawa beliau komited membanteras rasuah, jika tidak beliau tidak akan meraih keabsahan moral kerana melancarkan rampasan kuasa terhadap kerajaan Pakatan Harapan yang dilantik secara demokratik.

Untuk meyakinkan orang ramai, beliau perlu menunjukkan komitmennya menentang rasuah dengan membiarkan keadilan terlaksana – supaya Najib dan Rosmah Mansor, Tengku Adnan dan Zahid Hamidi disumbat ke penjara apabila mereka didapati bersalah atas tuduhan rasuah di mahkamah.

Masalahnya, mampukah beliau berbuat demikian tanpa diserang Umno? Jika menanti keputusan mahkamah terlalu berisiko, adakah Muhyiddin akan memilih untuk memutuskan hubungan dengan Umno dan Bersatu pada masa yang sama sebelum pembesar-pembesar Umno sempat melawan?

Parti baharu?

Ada cakap-cakap kononnya Muhyiddin, Azmin dan Hishammuddin sedang mencuba untuk menubuhkan parti baharu. Bagi mereka, ini mungkin satu penyelesaian yang bijak untuk semua masalah di atas. Tidak perlu bimbang tentang pemilihan Bersatu, penyokong Azmin ada rumah baharu, dan puak Hishammuddin dapat menghadirkan sokongan sebenar yang diperlukan Muhyiddin. Pun begitu, ada dua cabaran terhadap perancangan ini.

Pertama, Muhyiddin hanya memiliki sokongan 113 atau 114 kerusi, maksimum. Jika Ahli-ahli Parlimen parti-parti Pakatan Harapan (PKR, DAP, Amanah) dan Warisan, serta kumpulan Mahathir dalam Bersatu kekal bersama; Muhyiddin tiada ruang untuk berkuntau.

Jika Muhyiddin, Azmin dan Hishammudin berjaya memecahkan gabungan ‘Pakatan plus’ ini, mereka akan mampu menubuhkan parti baharu tanpa memerlukan puak Najib dan Zahid. Mengikut perkiraan mereka, barangkali masih perlu menggoda beberapa Ahli Parlimen PH untuk menyertai mereka.

Kedua, Muhyiddin mesti berhati-hati dengan Umno Johor. Pemimpinnya begitu bersemangat untuk mendapatkan semula kuasa yang mereka hilang dalam PRU lalu.

Nasihat saya buat Perdana Menteri (yang dahulunya saya bekerja begitu rapat bersama beliau, dan banyak berbincang dengan penuh jujur ketika kami bekerjasama dalam PH) ialah: Umno mungkin sahaja memperdaya beliau di Johor.

Pilihan raya mengejut di Johor mungkin mengakhiri hayat Bersatu di negeri itu, malah Muhyiddin juga mungkin kehilangan kerusinya di DUN Bukit Gambir.

Di tengah arus politik yang deras ini, Muhyiddin lah yang mungkin memulakan sesuatu untuk menewaskan lawannya dalam Umno. Atau mungkin Umno Johor yang memulakan serangan terhadap Perdana Menteri.

Bagi Pakatan Harapan dan rakan-rakan sekutu yang memilih untuk kekal bersama, seperti Warisan dan kumpulan pro-Mahathir dalam Bersatu; kita mesti kekal bersama. Rakyat Malaysia yang mengundi Pakatan Harapan demi kerajaan yang bersih serta peluang ekonomi yang lebih baik akan terus menyokong kita. - Liew Chin Tong,MD

A new party in the making?...

For a man who was deeply involved in a political coup early this year, it’s strange for Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin to say that people are fed up with politics and instead wanted to the government to work hard for the people. Most people can see that it is actually the main players in his fledgling Perikatan Nasional government that are jostling for positions and power during this current crisis of Covid-19 outbreak in Malaysia. 

Perhaps the Prime Minister made the remarks in his attempt to hide the fact that, at this moment, he is merely a sitting duck despite his immense powers as the head of the government. Why do I say this? Let me begin with a true story. Lim Kit Siang and I rushed back from our events in Johor on 25 July 2015 at the request of Parti Keadilan Rakyat’s Secretary-General Saifuddin Nasution Ismail for an emergency discussion. As close allies, we consult each other regularly, especially on major developments in politics.  

Saifuddin told us he heard that Attorney-General Abdul Gani Patail was going to charge Prime Minister Najib Razak for abuse of power in the SRC case in the following week. Kit Siang took time to ponder, and said to us: “Will Najib be a sitting duck waiting to be slaughtered?”  Three days after that, on 28 July 2015, Gani, Muhyiddin and Shafie Apdal were sacked from the Barisan Nasional government.

Now back to today. Muhyiddin is governing his shaky coalition with 10 groups within PN. 

There are four factions in Bersatu – those who joined in 2016, those who joined Bersatu from UMNO after Pakatan Harapan won the general election in 2018; Azmin Ali’s group; and Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s supporters who could create an upset in the Bersatu party election which has been delayed ostensibly due to Covid-19 situation.

Another four are competing factions in UMNO; each led by Najib, Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, Hishammuddin Hussein, and a non-aligned group which include Mohammad Hassan and Khairy Jamaluddin.  The other two consist of PAS and Gabungan Parti Sarawak. 

Muhyiddin’s options

Ideally, Muhyiddin would want to get rid of the Mahathir supporters, and to find a way not to have Bersatu party elections. He wants to avoid Mukhriz Mahathir’s challenge for Bersatu presidency, although it’s difficult for the Kedah Mentri Besar to win but it’s not an impossible task. Muhyiddin also knows that among the four UMNO factions, he could only trust Hishammuddin Hussein’s group. 

PKR renegade Azmin Ali is hoping to have a party structure that he could play a significant role and could bring in his grassroots supporters who currently has no political home due to the limbo in Bersatu. He also needs to create a political space for his non-Malay supporters who are no longer welcome in PKR yet has nowhere to go. 

For Muhyiddin’s government to gain legitimacy, he needs to show that he runs a clean government. The voters, particularly the deciding swing voters among the Malays, value integrity highly, apart from economic wellbeing. 

Apart from ensuring jobs and economic wellbeing for ordinary Malaysians, the Prime Minister must show voters that he is committed to fighting corruption, oherwise he would never gain moral legitimacy for launching the political coup against the democratically elected government of Pakatan Harapan. 

To convince the people, he needs to demonstrate his commitment to fighting corruption by allowing justice to take its course – for Najib and Rosmah Mansor, Tengku Adnan Mansor and Zahid to go to jail when they are convicted by courts for corruption. 

The only problem is, can he do so without UMNO revolting?  If waiting for court conviction is too much of leaving to chance, could Muhyiddin resort to breaking up both UMNO and Bersatu at the same time before the UMNO big wigs strike back? 

New party?

There is a rumour in the city that Muhyiddin, Azmin and Hishammuddin are trying to form a new party. For them, this could be a brilliant solution to solve all the problems. There’s no need to worry about Bersatu election, Azmin’s supporters could find a political home, and Hishammudin’s faction could bring the real support that Muhyiddin needed.  However, there are two challenges for this plan.

First, Muhyiddin has only a maximum of 113 or 114 seats. If Pakatan Harapan parties (PKR, DAP, Amanah) and Warisan, as well as Mahathir faction of Bersatu MPs stick together, Muhyiddin has no room to maneuver. 

If Muhyiddin, Azmin and Hishammuddin manage to break up this “Pakatan plus” coalition, they would be able to form their new party without the need to have both Najib and Zahid’s groups. In their calculations, they probably would attempt to lure the support of a few Pakatan MPs.

Second, Muhyiddin must be very careful with Johor UMNO. Its leaders are so eager to wrest power they lost in the last GE. My friendly advice to the Prime Minister whom I used to work very closely with and had many candid conversations during our time as PH partners is this: UMNO could pull a fast one on him in his own backyard in Johor.

A snap election in Johor may mean the end of Bersatu in the state, as well as Muhyiddin could even lose his Bukit Gambir state seat.   In these tense political undercurrents, it could be Muhyiddin that would trigger something to tear down and tame his UMNO challengers. Or it could be Johor UMNO that would trigger the beginning of the onslaught against the Prime Minister.

For Pakatan Harapan and the allies who choose to side with us, such as Warisan and the Mahathir faction of Bersatu, we must stick together. Malaysians who voted for Pakatan Harapan expecting a clean government and better economic opportunities will still support us.  - Liew Chin Tong.

Perikatan Nasional and the future 

of democracy in Malaysia...

Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin is now working to consolidate his Malay unity government, taking full advantage of the coronavirus lockdown that has paralyzed politics along with everything else in the nation. Parliament is, to all intents and purposes, suspended; opposition parties cannot mobilize; the people cannot take to the streets to protest. By the time the pandemic is over, we’ll be left with a fait accompli – a backdoor government composed of the very parties we rejected at the last election.

Perikatan Nasional’s agenda is not yet clear. Other than their antipathy towards non-Malays, it remains a very loose construct without a formal structure or a common political manifesto. It is, at best, an interim arrangement pending consensus on what a future Malay unity government would look like.

For now, Muhyiddin is not strong enough to impose his will on his own cabinet as other chief executives before him have done. Indeed, Muhyiddin’s low-key leadership is creating the impression that UMNO and PAS are calling the shots with senior minister Ismail Sabri fast becoming the public face of the administration.

In the meantime, each party in the coalition seems to be pursuing its own agenda with only minimal cabinet oversight. It does not make for an effective governance model; serious difficulties will arise when hard political and economic decisions have to be made post-pandemic.

Most observers speculate that it is only a matter of time before UMNO-PAS will reassert itself and seek to dominate the government though Muhyiddin might continue as its titular head, at least until Zahid Hamidi resolves the outstanding criminal charges against him.

Going forward, the big question is whether PPBM, UMNO and PAS will be able to overcome their political differences, ambitions and egos, and forge a more enduring partnership in the interest of Malay hegemony. If they succeed, Malaysia might never be the same again.

For one thing, Malaysia’s democratic space will narrow considerably. UMNO got careless, took too much for granted and was too distracted by 1MDB in the run-up to GE14. It won’t make the same mistake again. It will very likely go all out to ensure that it is never again threatened or challenged by the popular vote. It’s going to be a lot harder to vote them out of office the next time around.

To sustain itself, the government will inevitably have to curtail the media, crack down on dissent and re-establish tight political control over all national institutions. A lot of the mass surveillance techniques now being pioneered to manage the coronavirus pandemic could well be used for political purposes later on.

Having finally got a foothold in Putrajaya, PAS, for its part, is likely to push ahead with its long-standing goal to make Malaysia a fully fledged Islamic state.  After all, that has been the raison d’état for its existence; Hadi will now have to deliver or face pushback from his own supporters. Amanah president Mat Sabu’s recent warning that PAS will move quickly to amend the Syariah Courts (Criminal Jurisdiction) Act 1965 should not, therefore, be taken lightly.

Malaysia is, of course, already a hybrid Islamic state but that is not enough to satisfy the deeply entrenched Wahhabi establishment. While everyone else was focused on political reform, Wahhabi groups have been hard at work transforming Malaysia’s hitherto moderate religious landscape into a more conservative and austere one.  What they want is nothing less than a Saudi-style constitution which makes religious dogma the constitutional basis of the state.

Going by the many statements of Hadi and others, their version of an Islamic state will see non-Malays treated either as kaffir harbi or kafir zimmi – enemies or subjects with limited rights. Non-Muslims will be disqualified from holding senior positions in government and other institutions. Other religions will only be allowed if their observances are discreet and do not cause offense to Muslims. Multiculturalism itself will be very narrowly defined. All this, of course, will also neatly fit in with their Ketuanan Melayu political agenda.

Once in place, these changes will quickly become irreversible. It is instructive that no nation that has gone down the Wahhabi road has ever been able to reverse course. If the experience of other Muslim states is anything to go by, anyone who tries to amend or alter religious edicts once they become law will face a barrage of opposition and be condemned as traitors and apostates. Religions – all religions – invariably complicate politics and make change difficult.

The other area to watch will be the fight against corruption. Despite making a big fuss over the 1MDB scandal, Pakatan Harapan failed to take the kind of measures (an unexplained wealth ordinance, for example) that would have gone a long way to genuinely eradicating the culture of corruption that is deeply ingrained in our society.

Mahathir’s war on corruption was essentially a war on the corruption of a few UMNO leaders, not an all-out assault on corruption wherever it may be found. Thus, while Najib and a few others were investigated and charged (and rightly so), many others corrupt politicians and businessmen – Malay and non-Malay – were left untouched. Corruption runs deep across all communities; no one wants to dig too deeply.

Now that UMNO is back in power and being led by many of the same corrupt and unrepentant leaders, there is every reason to expect that the culture of corruption will grow exponentially.

Indeed, to stay in power, PN leaders will have to oversee what may well become the most elaborate system of patronage and cronyism our nation has ever seen. Federal and state GLCs including investment funds, statutory bodies, holding companies and foundations are already a monstrosity; there are so many of them that no one even knows how many exist or who exactly has oversight of them.  Billions of ringgit are being plundered each year by a horde of politicians, cronies and hangers-on. It will get worse.

As with many of the GLC appointments we are now seeing, political affiliation appears to trump qualifications, experience and integrity. Some of these appointments are not just criminal but a blemish upon the honour of our nation. When nepotism, dilettantism and corruption become governing principles, transparency, accountability and good governance become impossible. Any political system that would tolerate such a rotten and scandalous practice is already well advanced in decay.

And again, what we are seeing now – the mad scramble for high-paying sinecures at GLCs and other statutory bodies and diplomatic appointments – is just the beginning. Just wait till they start dishing out the contracts and taking out EXIM loans from China to build yet more infrastructure we don’t need and cannot afford. - Dennis Ignatius

Ingat Ostard kacang kuda ni dengki dengan orang2 yang buat amal kebajikan saja,rupa2nya 
dia rasis mabuk todi. Apa yg kau marah sangat dgn orang Cina kat Malaysia ni...- f/bk

Dua ekor ini baru saja lepas kena denda RM1000 di mahkamah tadi.Anak Razman kata pak dia tak buat salah apa pun.Menurutnya itu semua fitnah pembangkang semata2 yang iri hati kat pak dia.Kalau tak salah buat apa bayaq denda?- f/bk

Kalau Exco tebuk atap kena denda saja tapi MB lebai penipu tetiba boleh lepas, kita boleh 

jangka apa akan jadi dengan anak sulung Presiden UMNO. Tahniah Penyamun Nasional (PN)...

Nak hantar tentera ke negara orang bukan seperti hantar walaun kutip derma  

dgn tin milo atau seperti suruh walaun tebang buluh untuk pasang bendera PAS...

cheers.

Quo vadis Azmin Ali...

“Azmin ini party loyalist,” ujar seorang teman, antara ramai lagi teman yang mengulang kenyataan yang serupa. “Hang gila ka dia nak keluar parti?” soalnya kemudian, menegaskan bahawa Azmin sudah jadi orang nombor dua dalam PKR. Mana mungkin beliau mencabar Anwar Ibrahim; batang tubuh yang menjadi roh dan jasad parti itu.

23 April, genap dua bulan Azmin dan rakan-rakannya membuat keputusan keluar dari parti Anwar. Pengumuman keluar mungkin dibuat pada 24 Februari, tetapi sambil makan malam bersama Umno dan PAS di Sheraton itu, keputusannya pasti sudah dicapai.

Menariknya, rakan-rakan Azmin ini bukan cicak mengkarung dalam rangkaian Anwar. Seperti juga Azmin, si “pemegang diari merah” mantan timbalan perdana menteri, gerombolan yang mengikut beliau meninggalkan parti juga boleh tahan “Anwarist”.

Namun begitulah hakikatnya, bagaimana tiada kawan dan lawan yang kekal dalam politik. Seperti yang diulang sebut mendiang Karpal Singh. Apa yang kekal adalah prinsip. Itu pun kalau ada prinsip.

Bagi kebanyakan orang yang menyertai pergulatan politik, prinsip adalah barang kudapan cita-cita utama untuk memperoleh pengaruh dan kekuasaan. Pengaruh dan kekuasaan itu pula digunakan untuk mendapatkan duit. Dan duit itu pula digunakan untuk mendapatkan lebih banyak pengaruh dan kuasa. Inilah dia apa yang dipanggil “realpolitik”.

Realpolitik itulah yang menyebabkan kuasa tiba-tiba beralih kembali ke tangan-tangan kotor Umno dan rakan-rakannya; tanpa perlu menang sebarang pilihan raya. Tetapi takkanlah setakat itu saja hasilnya untuk seorang Azmin?

Dalam dua wawancara saya bersama beliau, Azmin tidak pernah menyatakan sebarang keinginan untuk menjadi perdana menteri. Kali pertama, Azmin bercerita panjang tentang kisah zaman remajanya menternak kambing dan ayam; sebelum sambung belajar ke Amerika, dan pulang ke tanah air untuk bekerja dengan Anwar. Kali kedua, wawancara setelah menjadi menteri besar Selangor. Pun tidak ada sebut mahu jadi PM. Walaupun saya tanya terus terang saja.

Meski tidak pernah menyebut dengan jelas, kita semua tahu Azmin akhirnya bukan saja tidak mahu Anwar menjadi perdana menteri. Tetapi menurutnya yang paling layak mengambil alih jawatan PM itu, adalah beliau sendiri. Sejak bertanding timbalan presiden parti pada 2010, sehinggalah bergerak mengguling Khalid Ibrahim, dan akhirnya menghalang Anwar daripada menjadi PM, itulah dia objektif utama.

Mungkin melampau kalau kita katakan Azmin melihat Muhyiddin Yassin sepertimana orang mendakwa Anwar melihat Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail – sebagai sekadar pemanas kerusi. Tetapi itulah hakikatnya. Kan?

Dilema Muhyiddin

Pengarah Pendidikan Politik DAP Liew Chin Tong menulis panjang hujung minggu lalu tentang dilema Muhyiddin, pasca krisis Covid-19. Kerajaan Muhyiddin sebenarnya ditopang dengan majoriti sekadar dua atau tiga kerusi. Ertinya di Parlimen, sebarang urusan dan usul kerajaan cenderung gagal dengan hanya kekurangan beberapa undi.

Dalam fabrik gabungan yang begitu demikian longgar; tanpa struktur parti, tanpa satu dasar bersama, tanpa titik temu yang sekata, Muhyiddin “dipegang telurnya” (maaf tiada bahasa yang lebih sesuai) oleh setiap seorang yang menyokongnya menjadi perdana menteri.

Kalau tidak puas hati, atau ada tuntutan yang tidak didengari, picit saja. Umno contohnya, beberapa hari lalu dengan selamba mengutus surat dengan senarai tuntutan untuk saki baki pimpinannya di Sabah, tanpa rasa segan silu. Muhyiddin akan harus melayan dan pastinya nanti memenuhi permintaan itu.

Ini belum dicampur masalah ekonomi dan peluang pekerjaan yang bakal merundung negara sebaik saja PKP berakhir, serta masalah sumber pendapatan negara akibat kejatuhan harga minyak dunia. Beban yang ditanggung Muhyiddin memang besar gedabak.

Tetapi kalau Azmin mahu jadi perdana menteri menggantikan Muhyiddin, maka Azmin harus bertanya dirinya sendiri sama ada beliau bersedia untuk memikulnya.

Jalan menuju kerusi PM

Untuk menjadi PM, Azmin yang kini ahli parti Bersatu pastinya akan perlu terlebih dulu naik menggantikan presiden parti itu, iaitu Muhyiddin. Maka jalan yang lebih mudah pastinya dengan menubuhkan parti sendiri. Parti itu pula mestilah membawa idea “muafakat agung”, idea perpaduan nasional yang secara ironinya kini diusung sebuah gabungan yang berpaut kepada sentimen Melayu-Islam dengan memomokkan DAP.

Seperti biasa, analisis pasaran dilakukan terlebih dulu dengan mengajukan idea ini melalui pertubuhan seperti Pemuda Negara yang menampilkan wajah pegawai-pegawai Azmin dan logo bulan bintang seperti yang turut tertera di laman Wikipedia Perikatan Nasional.

Apa yang sedikit lucu ialah bagaimana idea ini cuba dibungkus dengan menggunakan Dato’ Onn sebagai jenama besar, justeru mencetuskan cakap-cakap dalam kalangan wartawan tentang bagaimana Azmin akan menubuhkan Parti Negara, sepertimana Dato’ Onn juga.

Dato’ Onn tidak berakhir menjadi perdana menteri. Beliau hanya pernah menjadi menteri besar Johor atas lantikan Sultan, sepertimana arwah bapanya yang merupakan MB Johor pertama, serta dua adik beradiknya yang turut dilantik sebagai MB ketika demokrasi masih belum wujud di Tanah Melayu.

Jawatan itu ditinggalkannya setelah menubuhkan Umno, yang kemudiannya turut beliau tinggalkan dan selepas itu menubuhkan Parti Malaya Merdeka, sebuah parti yang ditubuhkan sebagai lawan idea ketuanan Melayu yang dijuarai Umno. Parti Malaya Merdeka pun bungkus juga setelah dilihat tidak berjaya mendapat sokongan ramai. Parti itu hanya didekati kaum India.

Dato’ Onn akhirnya menubuhkan Parti Negara pada 1953, sebuah parti politik yang prinsipnya bertentangan langsung dengan Parti Malaya Merdeka yang ditubuhkannya sebelum itu. Atas tiket Parti Negara inilah Dato’ Onn akhirnya berjaya menjadi Ahli Parlimen setelah menang dalam pilihan raya 1959, jauh di kerusi Kuala Terengganu Selatan. Malah ada juga yang menyebut Dato’ Onn akhirnya menyertai PAS sebelum meninggal dunia tiga tahun kemudian. Parti Negara turut hilang bersama Dato’ Onn.

Justeru bagi Azmin, pilihan di tangan tidak begitu banyak. Ruang di depan semakin sempit. Beliau pastinya tahu Umno tidak akan begitu mudah memberi laluan, begitu juga PAS yang tidak kalah berdendam. Bersatu apatah lagi. Maka ke mana Azmin Ali akan pergi? – Roketkini.com

Amanat Duta Khas 

Kerajaang Tebuk Atap...

"Percayalah saudara,

" Kita menyokong UMNO bukan kerana nama dia UMNO. Kita menyokong UMNO kerana dia memperjuangkan Melayu, dasar partinya Melayu walaupun tidak sokong hudud.

Kita menentang PH bukan kerana namanya PH, kita menentang PH kerana partinya berbilang kaum dan PH menangkap pemimpin Melayu Islam yang rasuah. Oleh kerana PH mengekalkan dasar menentang rasuah, oleh itu kita menentangnya.

Oleh kerana kita melawan puak2 ini, maka perjuangan kita adalah jihad. Ucapan kita adalah jihad. Rampasan kuasa ikut atap juga adalah jihad. Khianat mandat rakyat juga adalah jihad. Jadi duta khas adalah jihad. Jika kita mati di dalam keadaan kita jadi menteri dalam kerajaan tebuk atap ini, mati kita adalah syahid" . - From: Rusila,f/bk

The Ketuanan Melayu Agenda...

May 9th will mark two years since Pakatan Harapan (PH), against all odds, swept to victory. A party that did not expect to lose was swept from power by a coalition that didn’t think it could win. What giddy days they were! To say we were jubilant would be an understatement. The excited crowds outside the gates of Istana Negara waiting for Dr Mahathir Mohamad to be sworn in as prime minister will forever be etched in the memories of those who were there. 

It made all the years of effort – including risking arrests to attend those Bersih rallies, training as election monitors and campaign workers, and going out of our way to vote – worth the while. Together, we took back the government from the hands of unscrupulous, immoral and corrupt politicians.

For one moment in time, we were united by a shared hope that at last Malaysia would be able to embrace its destiny as a united, prosperous and democratic nation. Not since Merdeka had there been such a national outpouring of pride, hope and excitement. But it was not to be; our brief tryst with spring ended as abruptly as it began.

Many factors, no doubt, contributed to the fall of the PH government; certainly, the bitter rivalry between Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim dominated much of the news. Ultimately, however, it was the race factor more than anything else that proved destructive.

Ketuanan Melayu ideologues from across the political spectrum – PPBM, UMNO, PKR and PAS – felt deeply threatened by the prospect of having to share power, even minimally, with the non-Malays. Unsurprisingly, the DAP which surged to new heights following GE14 quickly became the “Great Satan,” the embodiment of an existential threat to the Malays. If the whole concept of power-sharing was to be aborted, the DAP had to be discredited and removed from government.

It is no secret that since May 1969, we’ve always had a multiracial government in name only; absolute power remained in the hands of UMNO which ruled primarily on behalf of one community. MCA, MIC and Gerakan were never more than bit players, they simply to lend credence to the lie that multiracial politics and national unity were alive and well.  It allowed UMNO, masquerading as Barisan Nasional, to rule as a multiracial government while pursuing an essentially race-based agenda.

GE14 upended that construct. The bitter, very personal battle between Mahathir and Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak divided Ketuanan Melayu ideologues along with much of the Malay polity. So bitter was the feud with Najib that Mahathir, the architect of the Ketuanan Melayu agenda, was even willing to find common cause with the DAP and his other bitter rival (Anwar) to bring down Najib.

Malay disunity – as Mahathir himself later claimed – allowed the non-Malays to win a record number of seats in parliament. It still left the Malays in an unassailable position given their majority in parliament, the civil service, the armed forces and police and in almost every other area of national life, but it did bring a more balanced representation to parliament at least.

While many considered it a positive development, Ketuanan Melayu ideologues, long accustomed to seeing politics as a zero-sum game, saw the outcome of GE14 as a disastrous setback. To them the very idea of power-sharing was unacceptable, a direct challenge to the Ketuanan Melayu agenda and all it stood for.

Consequently, while both Malay and non-Malay progressives and reformists celebrated, Ketuanan Melayu ideologues fumed. The former talked about democracy, transparency and accountability; Ketuanan Melayu ideologues complained about the loss of face, the threat to race, religion and culture. Reformists wanted to press ahead quickly with “reformasi”; Ketuanan Melayu ideologues wanted to hold on to the essentially authoritarian political structures that they had put in place since 1969. 

Reformists wanted a fair distribution of wealth; Ketuanan Melayu elites wanted to maintain the system of crony capitalism that allowed them to exploit the wealth of the nation at will. Progressives yearned for a more open, tolerant and inclusive culture; Ketuanan Melayu ideologues would have none of it.

The rejection of power-sharing was clearly evident in Malay political discourse post-GE14.   Incendiary statements like “Malaysia is for Malays”, non-Muslims ought not to be given senior positions in government, Malay rights and culture were being undermined, the position of the Malay rulers was being challenged, non-Malays were disrespecting the Malays, were aggressively thrown into the narrative. 

At the same time, non-existent threats from Communists, Christians and Tamil Tigers were deliberately played up to give the impression that the nation was facing a dire and imminent threat to its very existence. Reality didn’t matter; the objective was to manufacture a crisis of confidence in the PH government.

The underlying message was clear: the Malay community alone had the exclusive, God-ordained right to rule Malaysia. “Immigrant” communities – the pendatang – could remain for so long as they did not challenge Malay rule or even aspire to be equal partners in the governance of the nation. 

It was not a novel idea. In his seminal treatise The Malay Dilemma written almost 50 years ago, Mahathir opined that “Malays are the rightful owners of Malaya, and that if citizenship is conferred on races other than the Malays, it is because the Malays consent to this. This consent is conditional.”

Such a view was, fundamentally, a complete repudiation of the Merdeka agreement which envisaged shared citizenship and joint responsibility for the governance of the nation within a secular, democratic and constitutional framework.

Ketuanan Melayu ideologues had long complained, albeit erroneously, that the British had done the Malays a great disservice when it forced them to accept non-Malay citizenship and participation in the political process in exchange for independence. When they saw an opportunity to correct what was in their mind a historic injustice, they jumped at it.

As pressure grew for Anwar to take over from Mahathir (as per the PH succession plan), Ketuanan Melayu ideologues – united by their common disdain for sharing power with non-Malays – were galvanised into action. To them Anwar was unacceptable because, as Mahathir himself complained, he was not sufficiently committed to the Ketuanan Melayu agenda. His leadership of a multiracial coalition, his constant calls for unity, tolerance and inclusiveness was a bridge too far for the right-wing members of his own community.

Mahathir himself had, of course, been plotting and planning for months to create a more Malay-centric government both to advance his Ketuanan Melayu agenda as well as to stymie Anwar (whom he personally loathed). His plan was to entice UMNO and PAS parliamentarians (sans some of their leaders) to join his own stable of parliamentarians to form a new Malay unity government.  What he didn’t count on was that Muhyiddin, who did not share his scruples about tainted UMNO leaders, would beat him to it.

Whatever it is, the end result was a seismic political shift no less significant than May 13th. The ‘Sheraton Move’ effectively nullified the results of GE14, disenfranchised the non-Malay vote, curtailed power-sharing with non-Malays and re-established absolute Malay hegemony.

The Malaysian spring, along with the reformasi agenda, is now over. Will a harsh winter follow? - Dennis Ignatius 

Nilah Rohingya yg walaun dok sanjong...

Kalu UMNO bela 'lembu dlm kondo'..

mai Rohingya, depa bela kambing dlm flat...

Ni Melayu Islam di Kawthaung Island, South of Myanmar...

Story kat sini...

Katanya esok EXCO Perak dan Timbalan Menteri Kesihatan akan didakwa di Mahkamah Gerik esok kerana melanggar PKP... Tahniah lah Polis Perak..Sebab sebelum ni ada laporan kata, yang pihak Polis kata mereka ni duduk dalam jarak selamat.Diharap dipenjaralah walaupun sehari sebagai satu teladan kepada Rakyat..jangan hanya denda..sebabnya itu bukanlah satu teladan yang baik..Rakyat bukan hanya didenda, ada dipenjara, ada diikat jamin dan dinafikan ikat jamin..Lepas tu jangan lupa anak Presiden UMNO dgn suaminya pulak...- f/bk

Menteri Afrika Selatan didenda pasa langgar PKP...

cheers.

UMNO kena terus jilat Din dan PPBM kalu tak...

Saya ingin merujuk kenyataan Ahli Parlimen Bangi, Ong Kian Ming yang mengandaikan Perikatan Nasional (PN) tidak akan dapat bertahan sehingga pilihan raya umum ke-15 (PRU-15) 2 atau 3 tahun lagi. Baca di SINI dan SINI...

Seperti dilaporkan beberapa portal berita, pemimpin DAP itu antara lain berhujah, Umno tidak akan membiarkan PPBM mengepalai kerajaan PN dan hanya akan bertahan dalam “gabungan tidak selesa” itu sehingga PRU kan datang.

Tegasnya lagi, apa juga bentuk kerjasama antara 2 parti itu akan berakhir sebaik Parlimen dibubarkan. Beliau bersandarkan alasan, Umno tidak gembira memainkan peranan sebagai parti ke-2 kepada PPBM dalam kerajaan, sedangkan ia menyumbang jumlah kerusi paling banyak di Dewan Rakyat.

Alasan lain kerana beberapa pemimpin kanan Umno diketepikan daripada jawatan dalam Kabinet dibentuk Muhyiddin Yassin 2 bulan lalu.

Ini pula hujah saya sebagai bekas ahli Umno di Ipoh dan kini bersama PPBM.

Keputusan Umno menjalin kerjasama politik dengan PPBM langkah terbaik untuk parti diterajui Ahmad Zahid Hamidi itu. Saya berkata ia keputusan yang baik ketika ini kerana langkah itu membolehkan Umno mempunyai suara dalam kerajaan.

Ia juga keputusan yang baik kerana membolehkan pemimpin Umno berada dalam senarai hirarki kuasa dan dilantik memegang jawatan dalam syarikat-syarikat berkaitan kerajaan (GLC). Jika bukan kerjasama dengan PPBM yang mempunyai DNA sama, parti mana lagi yang paling sesuai untuk Umno menjalin pakatan. Adakah dengan DAP?

Umno tidak akan sesekali memilih DAP sebagai rakan kerjasama, juga bermakna tidak mungkin Umno akan menyertai Pakatan Harapan (PH) yang ada DAP sebagai sekutu teras. Saya percaya pendirian DAP pun begitu juga, tidak mungkin akan bekerjasama dengan Umno.

Lalu, apa pilihan terbaik untuk Umno memastikan survival politiknya? Tidak lain tidak bukan bekerjasama dengan PPBM. Dalam erti kata lain, PPBM talian hayat Umno ketika ini.

Saya juga percaya, jika diberi pilihan, Umno pasti mahu meneruskan kerjasama dengan PPBM bawah PN sehingga PRU akan datang dan mungkin melangkau sehingga selepas itu.

Persoalan seterusnya, adakah wujud kemungkinan PPBM kembali ke pangkuan Pakatan Harapan (PH) – mengambil kira bagaimana parti itu keluar daripada pakatan berkenaan – andai Umno menarik balik sokongan kepada Muhyiddin?

Jawapan saya, mungkin tidak selagi Muhyiddin kekal sebagai perdana menteri dan mengemudi bahtera Putrajaya.

Atas sebab itu, saya melihat langkah yang baik untuk Umno kekal menyokong perdana menteri, memastikan kubu kem presiden PPBM tidak runtuh dirempuh Dr Mahathir Mohamad yang masih memegang jawatan pengerusi parti serpihan Umno itu.

Umno juga pastinya mahu menghalang sebarang percubaan oleh mana-mana ahli Parlimen PPBM yang dikaitkan dengan Muhyiddin daripada menyertai kem Mahathir.

Ini bermakna, ada alasan yang banyak untuk Umno terus menyokong Muhyiddin berbanding membiarkan parti itu dan PN hilang kuasa pada PRU-15 nanti.

Andai Putrajaya berjaya dikuasai semula oleh PH, pemimpin Umno dan parti itu akan kembali menjadi “buruan” kerajaan ditunjangi DAP seperti yang sudah terbukti sepanjang 22 bulan PH memegang kuasa.

Yang pasti, tiada siapa tahu apa akan berlaku selepas PRU-15 nanti, tetapi buat masa ini, kerjasama PPBM-Umno mempunyai asas yang kukuh walaupun masing-masing mempunyai kepentingan sendiri. - Abdullah Yunos

YB Dr.Afif Bahardin ajak 

YB Batu tukaq kapai...

Anggota Parlimen Batu, P Prabakaran hari ini mengesahkan beliau diajak oleh seorang pemimpin KEADILAN yang sedang digantung, Afif Bahardin untuk meninggalkan parti itu. Bercakap kepada Malaysiakini, Prabakaran berkata beliau menolak tawaran untuk menyertai Gerakan.

Prabakaran juga mengeluarkan satu kenyataan berasingan dan menegaskan beliau akan kekal setia bersama KEADILAN.

"Sememangnya telah berlaku satu pertemuan di antara saya dan Dr Afif sepertimana yang didakwa oleh (Ketua KEADILAN Perak), Farhash Wafa Salvador Rizal Mubarak.

"Saya tidak mahu komen lebih berkaitan isu politik, cukuplah sekadar penjelasan bahawa pendirian dan prinsip saya adalah sama dengan prinsip Keadilan. Saya akan kekal bersama Keadilan demi kesinambungan perjuangan Saya bersama rakyat. Saya bukan pengkhianat," katanya.

Prakabaran mengulas pertanyaan media selepas Farhash mendakwa Afif 'berpura-pura' berhubung keputusan menggantungnya dari KEADILAN. Menurut Farhash, bukan lagi satu rahsia bahawa Afif mengajak Ahli Parlimen Batu itu untuk menyertai parti Gerakan sebelum ini.

Ketika dihubungi, Afif berkata dia enggan melayan tuduhan itu.

"Fokus saya adalah kepada pengundi saya dalam tempoh perintah kawalan pergerakan (PKP) yang sukar ini," kata Afif yang juga Adun Seberang Jaya.

Prabakaran berkata sebelum pertemuan dengan Afif, terdapat juga usaha untuk mengajak beliau keluar daripada parti itu. Beliau berkata ada beberapa pertemuan diatur oleh seorang pemimpin dalam cabang KEADILAN Batu untuk tujuan berkenaan.

"Semuanya bersifatkan percaturan politik. Semuanya mahu saya melompat," katanya.

Prabakaran berkata beliau mahu 'politik jijik' dihentikan dan akan terus berkhidmat kepada rakyat sehingga pilihan raya umum ke-15. - mk

‘Help Me Get Out Of Here!’ 

PM Whispers To Journalists...

Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin shocked journalists last night by asking them to help him escape this job he never wanted after recording his first interview.

“Once the cameras stopped, Muhyiddin spent several moments urging RTM’s Zaleha Khairene Ismail and Astro Awani’s Essan Yahya to smuggle him out of Putrajaya as quickly a possible,” a studio hand reported.

Muhyiddin was overheard saying since being sworn in, his life has been a living hell as Azmin Ali, Bersatu party members, Perikatan ‘allies’ UMNO, PAS and GPS, all took turns squeezing his Prime Ministerial balls while lobbying for cabinet posts and GLC chairmanships knowing without them and their ‘wafer-thin’ parliamentary majority, this Perikatan government of convenience could collapse at any second.

“Muhyiddin cant be having an easy time. We have an unprecedented Covid-19 crisis, a comatose economy, children of elites and Deputy Ministers are flouting the MCO knowing they can’t be reprimanded, and disgruntled voters can’t wait for an opportunity to punish the government for the ‘Sheraton move.’ Even Tun isn’t talking to him!”

On his way out Muhyiddin grumbled what he really wanted was a nap and a chance to finish Season 4 of ‘Money Heist.' -  Editor,f/bk

 “Do we need a backdoor government?…Absolutely not!”...

Before the general elections, every political party will come out with a manifesto, which spells out their programme for the country and how the voters will benefit by electing them. The manifesto will contain a brief summary of what to expect in electing a particular political party.

During the campaign, the party leaders will elaborate, explain and clarify in detail and in simple terms what their promises and pledges are for the country and voters.

Based on this premise, voters cast their votes and elect a government to run the affairs of the country. When the voters cast their votes, they know exactly what they want and need. Thus, a legitimate government is elected.

This transparent process reveals for all to see and understand which party has secured the majority of votes and how many parliamentarians have been elected for each party.

This electoral participation forms the basis for a particular party with the majority of MPs to be called upon to form the government.

This is how a democratic government enjoying electoral legitimacy is duly elected to run the country.

But in the case of the backdoor government, it was not elected by the voters to run the country. It stole a government without a popular mandate – or the mandate of the people.

The so-called majority that they claimed to have had to form the government is still in question. It is so because the names of MPs supporting the backdoor government had not been publicly disclosed.

They had adamantly refused to convene a parliamentary session despite repeated calls following their backdoor take-over of a duly elected government to confirm their support which would have put to rest the lurking question of doubt about their so-called majority. Their refusal to convene Parliament only enhances this suspicion of their legitimacy.

The people of Malaysia did not vote for a coalition comprising the Umno-led Barisan Nasional (BN), Pas and Bersatu to form the government.

In fact, the Umno-led BN was soundly rejected by the electorate, and many standing under its banner were trounced and thrashed in the general election on 9 May 2018. The Umno-led BN lost the federal and many state governments.

What Malaysians voted for was the coalition under Pakatan Harapan.

The plotters in this treachery subverted and frustrated the voters’ choice and perverted the democratic process. They had shamelessly foisted themselves upon a reluctant electorate that does not need them or accept them.

The electorate doesn’t know what this backdoor government stands for. They had not gone to the voters to explain their programme or appeal to them why they need to be given a chance to form the government. Malaysians don’t know what this backdoor government stands for.

The traitors who stole the government have yet to explain why they needed to take over a duly elected democratic government. To this day, it remains a mystery.

These unscrupulous politicians have neither cared to paint a rosy picture for the voters, nor promised a bright future for the country with this takeover. Their subsequent conduct seems to suggest their greed for power and the endless opportunity available to enrich themselves – which will form material for another article on another occasion.

We can only ask them why the need to take over the government through unethical means. What is the necessity?

Let us be reminded of this saying [by the historian Thucydides], “Love of power, operating through greed and through personal ambition, was the cause of all these evils.” - Mariam Mohktar

cheers.