05 December 2021

Bila negara dikuasai kartel rasuah...

 


Southeast Asia’s leading super-app Grab Holdings Ltd, with the ticker “GRAB”, celebrated its milestone US public listing on Thursday with Nasdaq’s first-ever opening bell ceremony hosted in the region.

The ceremony held in Singapore, which was attended by Grab employees as well as driver-, delivery- and merchant-partners, came after the nine-year-old ride-hailing and delivery firm announced its US$40 billion (RM169.2 billion) merger with a special purpose acquisition company (SPAC).

The firm had in April this year merged with a US tech investor Altimeter Capital Management's SPAC, Altimeter Growth Corp, and raised US$4.5 billion, including US$750 million from Altimeter.

In his speech, Nasdaq chairman of Asia-Pacific Bob McCooey said this was the largest-ever US public listing by a Southeast Asian company.


“I can see why Grab has grown into a household name and the number one super-app in Southeast Asia. Having spent the last few days in Singapore, I’ve tried booking a ride, ordering food delivery, and paying with GrabPay. I’m liking this one-app-for-all experience!

“More importantly, I respect companies like Grab that empower people, and I’m glad to meet with Grab’s drivers and merchants who are here today as examples of how technology can be used to grow businesses and earning opportunities,” he said.

McCooey said that Thursday's milestone is a testament to the hard work of everyone at Grab and for their passion to innovate and lead greater digital opportunities in Southeast Asia.

Grab group chief executive officer and co-founder Anthony Tan said it is important for the ride-hailing and delivery firm not to lose sight of what this was all built on — ”the heart and hard work of our Grabbers to serve our partners, and in turn, the dedication of our partners towards serving their customers.”


“That’s why we chose to hold the ceremony close to home. To be here, amongst our community, sharing the moment with them as we cross the threshold into a new chapter of our journey,” he said during the ceremony.

Tan and his co-founder Tan Hooi Ling (not related) were joined onstage during the opening bell with representatives of Grab driver-, delivery- and merchant-partner communities, who were on the frontlines transporting people, preparing as well as delivering food and essential goods, especially during critical stay-home pandemic periods.

In recognition of the collective effort and continued partnership of the Grab community to reach this milestone, about 1,500 Grab employees, as well as representatives from Grab’s partner communities, from across Southeast Asia was featured on the Nasdaq Tower in Times Square, New York City, after Grab officially listed on Nasdaq.

From its first office based in Segambut here, Grab’s Nasdaq listing has set a high benchmark for startups in the Southeast Asia. - theedgemarket


The very fact that GRAB was started by Malaysians and in Malaysia had to do this launch in Singapore says volumes about what is troubling about Malaysia.Instead, they would conveniently blame the victims who are Malaysians like those who created GRAB for not wanting to be part of keluarga Malaysia.Don't forget they were turned away by Khazanah! - JW

This is a lesson for local entrepreneurs - once your business stabilizes and starts growing move the holding company to Singapore first to stop the "penyamun" from stealing 51% later after you succeed. - tropic plunder

Thankfully, Grab left to SG. Grab had remained in Malaysia any longer, the "Perompak Negara" BN/PN would have required them to hand over 30% equity to enrich their own cronies. - Focusapp

So Singapore can celebrate the phenomenal success of Grab while Malaysia continues to pay billions for 1MDB while considering a reward of a RM100 million property for its felonious architect.One has received international accolades while the other remains an unrepentant kleptocracy, which if my calculations prove correct, will see a resurgence after December 8th.In any case it is MaluApa Malaysia. - MS

cheers.

03 December 2021

Buang saja MoU ke dalam jamban...


Court suspends arrest warrant against 
Rosmah,orders her to be in court on Monday...

Rosmah Mansor has been ordered to be present in the Court of Appeal on Monday to follow her appeal proceeding to disqualify Gopal Sri Ram as senior deputy public prosecutor and declare her ongoing corruption trial a nullity. However, a three-member bench chaired by Hanipah Farikullah fell short of issuing a warrant of arrest and revoking her bail as requested by Sri Ram for failing to adhere to an Oct 15 High Court order. 

“The court is using its discretion to withhold the arrest warrant. Moreover, she (Rosmah) has never been absent from the High Court proceedings,” Hanipah said. The wife of former prime minister Najib Razak is said to be still in Singapore visiting her daughter, Nooryana Najwa, who recently delivered her second baby. According to the High Court order issued by Judge Mohamed Zaini Mazlan, she is to return on or before Nov 21 and surrender her passport before Dec 6.

Hanipah, who sat with M Gunalan and Hashim Hamzah, said the bench also noted the explanation by Rosmah’s lawyer Jagjit Singh that it was due to his oversight that she was absent today. Hanipah said the bench will give Rosmah the opportunity to appear before them on Monday at 9am.

At the outset of today’s proceeding, Hanipah queried whether Rosmah was present in court to follow her appeal. Jagjit said there was a change in her travel plans after taking into consideration the quarantine duration imposed by Malaysia and Singapore.

When Hanipah asked if Rosmah had returned to the country, as required under the High Court order, Jagjit replied that his client was still in the island republic. At this juncture, Sri Ram applied for the court to issue a warrant of arrest and for Rosmah’s bail to be revoked for breaching the court order. “She is not a child who does not know her duties, responsibilities and liabilities,” he said.

Akberdin Abdul Kader, who is appearing with Jagjit, then said that they had written to the Court of Appeal registry yesterday to notify that Rosmah will return to Malaysia on Dec 6. Hanipah said the bench was given the letter just minutes before the proceeding started today. Jagjit then stood up and said he took full responsibility for Rosmah’s absence and sought an adjournment until Monday so that she could attend court.


However, Sri Ram protested, saying it was important for the court order to be complied with. “The arrest warrant must be issued and bail cancelled. If not court orders will not be respected and will become worthless pieces of papers,” he said. The former Federal Court judge reminded the court that it would have acted swiftly “if the accused was an ordinary person like Ahmad bin Abdul, Muniandy or Ah Chong”.

Sri Ram said the law must be applicable across the board or else the public will lose confidence in the courts. Hanipah said Rosmah should have sought an extension of the order. Jagjit again apologised profusely to the bench but Sri Ram said the senior lawyer could not go to jail on Rosmah’s behalf.

On Sept 24, Zaini ruled Sri Ram’s appointment under the Criminal Procedure Code by the then attorney-general Tommy Thomas in August 2018 was valid. Zaini also accepted the alternative submission by the prosecution that the present Attorney-General Idrus Harun’s backdated appointment letter for Sri Ram, which was issued on May 21 this year, could cure any defects by Thomas.

He said this was because Section 50(b) of the Interpretation Acts 1948 and 1967 empowers any authority to make an appointment with retrospective effect. Rosmah is charged with soliciting RM187.5 million from contractor Saidi Abang Samsudin in the Sarawak schools solar hybrid project, as well as receiving RM6.5 million in cash from him.

It is alleged that the money was meant to help Saidi’s company, Jepak Holdings Sdn Bhd secure the RM1.25 billion project. Rosmah, who had been ordered to enter her defence, will resume giving evidence before Zaini on Dec 8. - fmt

 
Pakatan Harapan stuck in a dead end...

BN crushes Anwar’s coalition! Resounding victory for BN! Landslide victory in Melaka! The headlines said it all. Whichever way you look at it, Melaka was a huge setback for Pakatan Harapan (PH). The coalition contested all 28 seats but won only 5. PKR, the core of PH, lost all the 11 seats it contested.  Even the DAP suffered a significant setback, losing half the seats it contested. Of course, the writing was on the wall but the PH leadership has had its head in the sand for quite some time now. 

PH’s decision to support the government of Prime Minister Ismail Sabri with its September 13th MOU apparently did not go down well with the electorate. While PH leaders may have had the best of intentions, many think that PH needlessly neutered itself for nothing more than a fistful of false promises. Honestly, who really cares whether the leader of the opposition has official status or not or how many select committees are formed?

To make matters worse, PH failed to take a strong stand on critical issues contained in both the 12thMalaysia Plan and the 2022 budget. They complained loudly about the injustice of it all and protested the discriminatory approaches that premised both documents but then did little to oppose it. Both the 12MP and the budget (first reading) passed without much fuss. Even on other issues – the curb on alcohol sales and 4D lotteries, for example – the opposition failed to act decisively. It gives the impression of an opposition in disarray, outmanoeuvred at every turn by a prime minister who promises much but delivers just about nothing.

In many ways, the problem with PH has to do with leadership or the lack thereof. Anwar Ibrahim has simply failed to distinguish himself as a decisive leader. One would have thought that someone who has waited and planned so long for a shot at the top job would have hit the ground running. Instead, he has failed to offer voters a compelling vision, failed to articulate a coherent strategy to win power and failed to provide the leadership that is needed to position the opposition as a viable alternative.

Anwar put the blame for PH’s poor performance in Melaka on the propaganda put out by both UMNO and Perikatan Nasional that if PH ruled, the Chinese community would dominate the Malays. Why is he so surprised? After all, the Malay versus Chinese issue has been a staple of Malaysian politics for decades. The real issue is how is PH going to overcome this challenge? Thus far, they do not seem to have any answers and that is a huge problem going forward. 

Internal differences are also beginning to sap PH of its vitality. While PH leaders put on a brave face in public, divisions between PKR and the DAP are growing. There was sharp disagreement over whether to accept party hoppers as candidates in the Melaka elections, with PKR and Amanah supporting their inclusion and the DAP adamantly opposed. They are now hopelessly divided on seat allocations for the Sarawak state election.


Statements by the likes of Ong Kian Min and Liew Chin Tong about what went wrong in Melaka and what should have been done are seen as criticism of Anwar’s leadership. More telling was the statement by Anthony Loke that PH “must stop saying that there is no one else besides Anwar or we will be stuck in a dead end”. It is an indication that many in the DAP are simply frustrated with Anwar – he won’t lead and he won’t step aside. The longer the DAP stays tethered to a leader who is now increasingly unelectable, the more the disgruntlement will grow.

Discontentment with Anwar’s leadership is also growing within his own party. PKR used to be about ‘reformasi’; now, no one is sure what its priorities are. The party badly needs to rejuvenate itself, but few expect it to happen for so long as Anwar remains.  Not a few potential leaders have opted to sit it out until Anwar leaves. 

The DAP too is not without its problems. Anthony Loke’s statement on Anwar was met with a chorus of criticism from within his own party. Ronnie Liu who is a central executive committee member called it “dishonourable” while P. Ramasamy (also on the executive committee) described it as “premature and infantile adventurism”.  

It suggests that the once solid unity within the DAP is fraying as a potential leadership battle shapes up. It is no secret that many second-echelon leaders in particular want Lim Guan Eng to step aside. The serious corruption charges he faces are a major distraction. But will the party be able to unite around Antony Loke, the presumptive heir-apparent?

All told, Pakatan Harapan’s future prospects do not appear to look good. If they cannot make headway at a time when so many voters are economically stressed, when discontentment with the prevailing situation is high, how could they ever hope to do well in GE15? And what does it say about their chances if they cannot successfully compete against a party still led by leaders struggling with a slew of corruption charges, if they cannot compete against a convicted felon?

Unless Pakatan Harapan can quickly reinvent itself, make itself relevant to a plurality of voters, GE15 may be lost already. Melaka should tell us that voters will not be energised and inspired to go out in sufficient numbers to vote – and vote for PH – if they cannot fathom what PH really stands for and how a vote for PH will make a real difference in their lives. Elections are always about choices; thus far the PH option is far from appealing. - Dennis Ignatius 

cheers.

01 December 2021

Ku Li - Nasib PAS Kelantan sudah terhitung...

PAS on the wane in Kelantan, says Ku Li...

Umno veteran Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah believes that the days are numbered for PAS in Kelantan because of the party’s “horrible” track record in governing the state for more than 30 years. He said PAS had been in power since 1990, but failed to do much, with even basic facilities lacking, such as clean water supply.

“And there’s no development. If not for the state being a member of the federation (of Malaysia), a lot of the people in Kelantan will be unemployed. Now, people escape from Kelantan and come to work here (in Kuala Lumpur),” he said in an interview with FMT.

“So every Hari Raya or school holiday season, you find the highway chock-a-block all the way to Kota Bharu because of people returning from KL and elsewhere. “I think PAS’ days are numbered in Kelantan. If the people come to their right senses and are not emotionally taken by the party’s appeal, then they can see better days ahead,” he said.

When asked why PAS had successfully retained power in the state since 1990, he said it was probably due to the conservative values held by voters there who felt “safe with PAS though they do nothing”.

Muafakat Nasional a dead letter...

Tengku Razaleigh, who has been Gua Musang MP for 11 terms, was the former chairman of Umno’s advisory council. He said his party’s Muafakat Nasional pact with PAS was a dead letter, claiming that the handshakes shared by party leaders did not reflect the reality on the ground.

“Down there they’re fighting like cats and dogs. I cannot see how they’re gonna get together, because they depend on Malay votes, and each party is vying for more Malay votes. They will continue fighting.”

He said the push for Umno to keep the door open to PAS through MN was mostly coming from figures in the west coast of the peninsula, whom he claimed did not understand the sentiments of grassroots on the east coast.

Tengku Razaleigh said he had campaigned for PAS under Semangat 46, the Umno splinter that became defunct after the 1995 general election and claimed to understand PAS “very well”, He said it would be a mistake for Umno to “go to bed” with PAS as the Islamic party could simply end up trying to shore up support for itself.

He said this happened in the past when Barisan Nasional was first set up, as he was the key figure tasked with roping PAS into the coalition. “But that was not to be because they abused their positions in the federal government and tried to convert our people on the ground from being members of our parties to members of their party.

“This happened in a widespread manner all over the land settlement schemes. and that contributed to the breakup between PAS and Umno, soon after the formation of BN. “It’s just greed. They wanted more, and they wanted to entrench themselves,” said Tengku Razaleigh. - fmt

UMNO rising...

The Melaka state election is history now. The verdict is in. The dust has settled. It would be fair to say that few expected UMNO-BN to do so well; fewer still expected Pakatan Harapan to do so badly. 

Melaka might turn out to be a harbinger of things to come.  At the very least, it provides a good indication about the evolving attitudes of voters. Opposition party apologists may complain about gerrymandering, Covid-related campaign restrictions and the unfairness of the first-past-the-post system, but there’s no escaping the fact that the ground is shifting back to UMNO-BN. Consider too, that UMNO-BN has won almost every by-election since GE14.

UMNO’s remarkable success suggests that the party may finally be putting the whole 1MDB debacle behind it. For many Malay voters, UMNO, despite its internal bickering and dismal record of corruption and abuse of power, remains their first choice. It has become something of a natural governing party. UMNO is so strongly identified with Malay nationalism, Malay rights and Islam that Malay voters in general cannot fathom life without UMNO. Even a bad UMNO is still better than no UMNO, especially given the alternatives.

The instability and chaos that followed UMNO’s GE14 defeat – three changes of government in three years and the inept handling of the Covid crisis that has led to mass economic hardship – has left many voters yearning for the “old days”. They just want life to get back to normal as quickly as possible, and they see UMNO as the best party to achieve that. They know that the system is terribly corrupt but they can’t do anything about that; all they can hope for is that at least some of the money will trickle down to them. Religion is also hugely important; again, UMNO seems to offer the best balance between advancing the Islamic agenda and maintaining overall stability and development.

Even non-Malay voters might be yearning for the old days.  Both MCA and MIC which many – me included – had declared dead and buried after GE14 are now coming back to life. Chinese voters in particular had high hopes that their support of the DAP would bring them better opportunities and fairer treatment; it has not turned out that way. Perhaps the reality that they might have to reconcile themselves to lower expectations is finally sinking in after the starry-eyed expectations of the Pakatan Harapan years.

The thieves are back...

Taken together, it suggests that UMNO-BN is going to make major gains come GE15. They may not win enough votes to form the government by themselves, but they will certainly win enough votes to form the backbone of the next government, sealing their position as the natural governing party of Malaysia.

Going forward, leadership issues will dominate UMNO from now till the next elections. The anomaly of Ismail Sabri being prime minister but not party chief and Zahid being party chief but not prime minister will have to be resolved if the party is to quickly consolidate its gains post-Melaka.

For the first time since independence, a sitting prime minister was completely irrelevant in a significant election. With his cabinet members fighting each other, he had no choice but to stay detached. Now that UMNO won big on its own, he will find himself increasingly isolated within his own party. He either finds a way to sideline current president Zahid Hamidi or end up a one-term prime minister. Perhaps the courts might do that for him. His only ace for the time being is that as prime minister he alone gets to decide when to call the next election. Of course, UMNO could withdraw support for Ismail Sabri in parliament, but there’s no telling who might come to his aid.

Former prime minister Najib Tun Razak – despite his conviction on charges of money-laundering, corruption and abuse of power – has once again demonstrated that he remains a force to be reckoned with. He led the charge in Melaka and can now share in the afterglow of victory. He may not enjoy majority support within UMNO – no one does – but given the fractured leadership, the support he enjoys is probably enough to make him the most popular leader in the party right now. Now we have to wait for December 8th when the Court of Appeal finally delivers its verdict on Najib’s appeal against his 12-year sentence. If it goes against him, his political career is finished; if it does not, there’ll be no stopping him.


Zahid was strangely absent from what was after all an important state election, preferring to travel abroad to seek treatment for a back injury. One has to wonder why our politicians are prone to back injuries but that is another story. Some suggest he was worried that the party might do badly and thought it prudent to distance himself from it just to be safe. 

UMNO’s victory in Melaka is bad news for the cabinet cluster – particularly Hishammuddin Hussein, Khairy Jamaluddin, Shahidan Kassim and Annuar Musa – who previously refused to support their president’s call for Muhyiddin Yassin to step down. If Zahid has his way, they will not be nominated to stand under the UMNO banner in GE15. The indications are that these ministers have already lost the support of their branches and can be removed without much controversy.

The other thing that Melaka tells us is that, for the most part, all the talk of democratic reform does not resonate with a significant segment of voters. And neither does the 1MDB issue. It is not that they don’t care; it’s just that they are more focused on the daily challenges of life. 

Bottom line: UMNO is set to return come GE15 with a strong enough mandate to form the next government. How strong a mandate will depend on how well Pakatan Harapan does. Thus far, there is little indication that Pakatan Harapan under the feeble leadership of Anwar Ibrahim has what it takes to generate the kind of mass popular support that they will need to win. - Dennis Ignatius 

cheers.

30 November 2021

KPI 100 hari Mail yang malang...




Food prices skyrocket – The return of 
monopoly and cartel run by rich UMNO Malay elites...

Exactly what has happened to the meat cartel scandal? First exposed in December last year, millions of Malaysian Muslims have consumed fake halal beef for the last 40 years. The scandal, involving agencies like the Malaysian Quarantine and Inspection Services Department, Customs Department and Port Police, clearly was an example of powerful Malays cheating ordinary Malays.

It means from 1980 to 2020 – under Prime Ministers Mahathir Mohamad, Abdullah Badawi, Najib Razak and Muhyiddin Yassin – very powerful politicians and senior government officers, including those from JAKIM, were “business partners” of the cartel. Yet, after almost 1 year since the scandal was exposed, not a single Malay top gun has been sent to prison.

Today, a fifth Malay Prime Minister – Ismail Sabri – is running the country. But it appears the humiliating scandal is quietly being swept under the carpet. It has to be covered up because all the bad guys and crooks involved were UMNO Malays. And because all the Malay political parties – UMNO, Bersatu and PAS – are part of the government, it’s best to pretend nothing had happened.

But when a Chinese company, Winepak Corporation, produced award-winning “Timah Whisky” meant only for non-Muslim consumption, almost all the Malay politicians whined and bitched until foaming at the mouth that the whiskey would confuse the Muslims. Eating diseased non-halal horse and kangaroo meat seems more acceptable than “seeing” a product called “Timah Whisky”.

Rather than interfering with non-Muslim rights by stirring up racial and religion sentiments among the Malays against Timah Whisky, which should be celebrated instead as it will generate export revenue, the government should start worrying about food security and stop the practice of monopoly. The meat cartel scandal happened not only because of corruption, but due to monopoly.

From sugar to meat and from post office to national carmaker Proton, everything was being monopolized as part of the NEP (New Economic Policy) introduced after the 1969 racial riots. Before “Sugar King” Robert Kuok forced to sell his sugar business to Felda Group in 2009, the price of sugar was kept low and stable. When Syed Mokhtar Albukhary – an UMNO proxy – took over the sugar business, prices consistently rise. 

Naturally, when wholesale sugar price increases, the food prices such as canned drinks, bread, biscuits and soya sauce also jump accordingly. Here’s a perspective of how the billionaire slaughtered the ordinary people through his almost total control of the distribution and sale of sugar – when the world price for sugar was only RM1.40 per kilogram, the retail price in Malaysia was set at RM2.90 per kg.
 
Syed Mokhtar Al-Bukhary

Not only Albukhary controls the sugar business, he also monopolizes the rice in the country when his company Tradewinds acquired Padiberas Nasional Bhd (Bernas), the country’s sole rice importer. It was revealed that Bernas’ gross profit per month is about RM8.7 million, translating to RM104.4 million annually for doing nothing except arranging the import of rice.
 
Worse, the UMNO proxy got greedy when Bernas increased imports of cheap low-grade rice, causing small-scale rice millers to shut down. By systematically killing millers and paddy farmers, who happen to be ethnic Malay, instead of assisting them, the tycoon managed to maximize his profits. Do you know that about 90% of paddy farmers in Kedah, the nation’s rice bowl state, are in debt?

In 2018, it was revealed that 300,000 farmers in Kedah were drowning in debt due to shrinking incomes and increasing operating costs thanks to rice monopoly. The net income for an average farmer was only RM600 per month, forcing them to borrow to stay in business. To add salt to injury, some have to pay rent on the land because not all farmers own them.

Now, with UMNO returns to the driver seat, the old tactic of profiting from the poor people, especially the majority ethnic Malays, is back in business. Three days ago (Nov 25), local bread producer Gardenia Bakeries announced that it will raise prices for most of its products, ranging from 10 sen to 45 sen – effective December 1. Of course, Gardenia is owned by none other than Albukhary.

A loaf of Gardenia Original Classic 400g white bread will cost RM2.80 compares to the old price of RM2.50. The Gardenia Original Classic Jumbo 600g will cost RM4 instead of RM3.55, while a 400g loaf of Gardenia Bran & WheatGerm which is currently priced at RM2.50 will be increased to RM2.90. The local favourites such as Twiggies will jump from RM1.49 to RM1.80.
Gardenia Bakeries - Syed Mokhtar Al-Bukhary

As usual, Gardenia claims that the prices increase is due to the hike in the cost of raw materials (flour, sugar, milk, whole wheat, cocoa powder, packaging and whatnot) and freight charges. Interestingly, Massimo bread owned by billionaire Robert Kuok appears to be immune to cost of raw materials as it has not announced any price hike.
 
Fish Price Skyrockets

This is not the first time Gardenia increased its prices. About a year ago (November 2020), it also announced new prices for several of its flavoured breads. The price had been raised between 5 and 20 sen effective December 2020. In Nov 2018, Gardenia also raised the prices of several of its best-known products, even though it had increased the prices of 18 of its products a year earlier in 2017.

Hilariously, when then-opposition UMNO and PAS Islamist party started a campaign in 2019 to boycott non-Muslim products, many gullible Malays foolishly swallowed the hook, line and sinker. The “Buy Muslim First” campaign argued that Malays must buy Gardenia bread, for example, because Syed Albukhary owns the company. Heck, they even proclaimed the UMNO proxy as the Malays’ saviour.

The same group of extremists and racists who supported buy Muslim first campaign, instead of educating people to buy lowest priced products, is today unimpressed with Gardenia’s price hikes. And it’s not hard to understand why. The price jump of bakeries came at a time when price skyrockets for essentials like fish, chicken, vegetables and whatnot.
 
At first, the fish prices jumped, followed by chicken. Then, the prices of vegetables suddenly skyrocket. Now the billionaire linked to UMNO who is allowed to monopolize almost everything in the country has increased the price of bread. Shortage of workers becomes the convenient excuse for the escalating fish prices. But did the manpower shortage happen overnight?

Everything was part of a grand scheme to enrich the Malay elites who walk the corridors of power. While Albukhary monopolizes food supply chain, Home Minister Hamzah Zainudin monopolizes the manpower supply. First, Hamzah ordered the police and immigration to hunt down foreign workers, despite Covid-19 pandemic – deliberately done to create a shortage of workers.

At least 124,423 illegal foreign workers were arrested, and generated RM71 million through compounds. Now that a shortage of labour has been created, the same corrupt and despicable home minister happily said employers who are interested in hiring foreign workers will have to bear all the costs involved in bringing them into Malaysia.
 
Chicken Price Skyrockets

The SOP (standard operating procedures) for foreign worker entry, involving 4 stages – pre-departure, arrival, post-arrival (quarantine period) and post-quarantine – is essentially a goldmine for the home ministry. Mr Hamzah was basically repeating the process of importing foreign workers after sending them back, the same way former deputy Prime Minister Zahid Hamidi made billions through the import of Bangladeshi.

Despite the chicken prices spiked to RM10.70 from RM8 per kg within a week, the clueless Domestic Trade and Consumer Affairs Minister Alexander Nanta Linggi said his ministry had no plans to enforce price control for the item. He claimed no cartel activities have been detected. Finance minister Tengku Zafrul said his Finance Ministry will be studying the method to stabilise the rising prices of chicken.

That was in September 2021. Two months later (November), hypermarket boss Ameer Ali Mydin of the Mydin chain raised the alarm as the chicken prices remained stubbornly high. Worse, the shortage saw only 60% of its usual supply was met, even during non-peak season. Again, labour shortage was being blamed, as well as heavy rain and escalating cost of imported chicken feed.

If a meat cartel could operate right under the nose of the same government for the last 40 years, chances are the same cartel or other cartel has been manipulating and exploiting the chicken prices for decades. How could the government say the current high prices of chicken are beyond its control (non-peak season) when it could easily control the price during peak season such as Hari Raya?
 
As early as April this year, chicken was already sold at RM8.80 per kilogram at the Selayang wet market. In fact, the price of chicken had increased 6 times in the same month. It means while the government – both Muhyiddin Yassin and Ismail Sabri administrations – knew about the problem since early of this year, the so-called Malay-Muslim government has done nothing to solve the issues.

Just when you thought a change of menu to consuming more vegetables rather than fish, chicken or meat could temporarily fix the escalating cost of living, the consumers were flabbergasted to find that the prices of cauliflower, beans, chillies, cabbage and several other vegetables have risen by 200%. The government’s solution – denies that vegetables have jumped to such insane price level.
 
Vegetables Price Skyrockets

Again, the fingers were pointed at the lack of manpower, floods, landslides, transportation cost and the list goes on. In reality, the prices of vegetables, including tomatoes, Japanese cucumbers, chillies, cabbages, beans, sweet peppers and all types of salad leaves produced in Cameron Highlands have rose between 30% to 40% as early as June this year.

It means that the price of vegetables has been shooting up for months. Yet, the Ministry of Domestic Trade and Consumer Affairs has the cheek to blame the reopening of all trade sectors since October as the culprit that caused the demand for vegetable supplies, leading to price increase. Was the government trying to say that the people did not eat anything at all during the Covid lockdown?

The government talked as if the 33 million people were hibernating during the pandemic, and when the lockdown was lifted, they ate so much that cauliflower shot up more than 100% – from RM7 to RM16 per kg – while Chinese cabbage jumped from RM3 to RM9 per kg. Even if the people suddenly become vegetarian overnight, how do you explain the price inflation on fish, chicken and bread?

The people were so annoyed and frustrated that a picture has gone viral, depicting Minister Nanta Linggi urging Malaysian consumers to eat duck instead while the government investigates the price increase for chicken. The perception is not only the Sabri government is running around like a headless chicken, but has lost touch with the suffering of the people on the ground.

It’s funny that former PM Najib hasn’t pulled his previous stunt this time, when he advised the people in 2014 to shop wisely instead of complaining about price hikes, while showing off a chicken he bought for just RM1. In defending his administration, Najib had also condemned people for ignoring vegetables that have become cheaper, such as “kangkung” (water spinach).

The current prices of poultry products, especially chicken and eggs are now the highest ever recorded in the country. The exponential price hikes of food items across the board, like it or not, suggests not only incompetence, but also the deliberate attempt by powerful cartel and monopoly to rob from the people before the coming 15th General Election.

In truth, everything is being controlled in Malaysia through AP (approved permit), import and export permits, licenses, monopoly and whatnot. The system was designed in such a way to enrich UMNO Malay elites. Therefore, they can control the prices of food and raw material from spiralling if they wanted to. The only reason they can’t control it is because they do not want to. - FT

cheers.

29 November 2021

Lebai sembang kari,satu habuk pun takdok...

 

Anwar – a character torn between 
‘Saudara’ and ‘Dato Seri’...

In the mid-1970s when Anwar Ibrahim was teaching at Yayasan Anda, a private college to assist school dropouts at Lembah Pantai, he went to work riding a 70cc Honda Cub. Among his friends, he was known as ‘Saudara’ Anwar, a respectful and endearing term, derived and used by many Universiti Malaya undergraduates then and the Malay literati group.

‘Saudara’ carries a proletarian tone and denotes equality among the Malay youths and adults of that generation. It was so influential that even DAP emulated it and used the term for their leaders and party cadres. Thus, we had Saudara V David, Saudara P Patto and Saudara Ahmad Nor in the same vein as Saudara Ahmad Boestamam and Saudara Kassim Ahmad.

Today, we still have Saudara Lim Kit Siang, Saudara Loke Siew Fook and Saudara Gobind Singh Deo and yet Saudara Anwar has evolved to become a ‘Dato Seri’. It is still not too late for Anwar to rebrand himself and be referred to as Saudara Anwar again or Pak Anwar, as he is fondly called in Indonesia. The influence of Pak Jokowi, a simple and humble man of Solo, who has now become the popular President of Indonesia should be emulated, according to my fellow FMT columnist Saudara Adzhar Ibrahim.

In order to rebrand himself, Anwar should go back and revisit Lembah Pantai again, and open his ears, eyes and his heart to their grievances. Simply seeing how the place has transformed, partly into Bangsar South, is not sufficient. As the cliche goes, the hardware is there but the software is lacking. Please look at the substance in Lembah Pantai. Scrutinise the jobs of those dwelling in low-cost flats, at their earnings and what they put on the table for their families.

Perhaps while he is there he should make an assessment of whether this diverse group of Malay-dominated households have progressed since his Yayasan Anda days. I think their take-home pay and their lives have not improved, apart from the presence of several new tower blocks and a couple of malls in their midst.

Those dwellers of the former Kampung Kerinchi and Pantai Dalam are a nice sample and sizable representation of KL’s urban poor, who have been neglected. Some of them could have been his former students at ‘Yayasan Anda’, who never made it to the adjacent Universiti Malaya, Anwar’s alma mater. Anwar surely understands his supporters’ difficulties and predicaments, as much as they understand his political travails over the years.


Economic plan...

If only Anwar could design a model on how to assist and uplift the economic plight of this group of urban poor, his problems about leading Malaysia and winning the next general election can be considered as having been resolved.

Let’s go back to the basics. Malaysia’s current challenge for the urban poor is economically related. A lack of skill sets, a lack of technical competence combined with an inferior education and poor knowledge, are still rampant. Add insufficient capital on top and the vicious circle is complete.

These five factors are the main drawbacks that have not been overcome by a succession of past governments led by Umno, in which Anwar was once a member. In its current state of affairs, Umno can’t see the woods from the trees. Their leaders are too busy counting their riches and too elitist to prepare a scheme to assist the poor.

As demonstrated in Melaka recently, their only capability is to drop some crumbs when an election is held. No economic strategy and no long-term financial assistance. Only good for vote-buying.

PKR, on the other hand, and despite the massive support that it gets from this lower strata of the population, has so far got away without paying much attention to the problems of the urban poor. A plan or an economic concept, at least, is definitely due. Not having such plans, as seen in Melaka, will lead to another disaster for PKR.

Lembah Pantai has been but a glaring example of how rural-urban migration has shaped up over the years. Not only has the cityscape changed but also there is a need for political parties to take cognizance of issues pertaining to the geopolitics of their constituencies. There are at least thirteen or more other seats of similar characteristics that are crucial to PKR in the next election.


Election strategy...

These seats include Selayang (P97), Gombak (P98), Ampang (P99), Pandan (P100), Subang (P104), Petaling Jaya (P105), Sungai Buloh (P107) Kapar (P109), Wangsa Maju (P116), Setiawangsa (P118), Titiwangsa (P119) and Bandar Tun Razak (P124); all in the Klang Valley where rural-urban migration is the highest in the country.

There are many more similar seats, although smaller in voter size, in other states such as Segamat, Simpang Renggam, Kulai and Johor Bahru in Johor, while Penang has Balik Pulau, Nibong Tebal and Bayan Baru to worry about.

Sungai Petani, Kulim Bandar Baharu and Merbok are all in Kedah. While Raub, Bentong, Indera Mahkota and Kuantan are in Pahang. Tambun, Sungai Siput, Gopeng, Tanjong Malim and Lumut are the relevant constituencies in Perak. These are all semi-urban seats which matter a lot to Anwar and PKR for victories at the next general election. - Urban poor

Urbanisation, resulting from Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s 1.0 industrial programmes, has brought about new problems in terms of urban housing, employment, education, transport, social needs, race relations and many more, which were never addressed strategically and holistically by past Umno leaders.

Umno leaders have neither the experience nor the the vision to address these urban problems. They preferred to let MCA or MIC deal with those issues, allowing them to contest those urban seats. That was how a large proportion of urban Malay voters became neglected and poorly represented.

Fortunately for Anwar, these were also the constituencies that swung to his coalition at the last two general elections while Umno’s partners, MCA and MIC, crumbled and went out of favour with these urban voters.

But for PKR to remain sustainable, a plan that appeals to such multiracial constituencies, preferably the ones that appeal more to the urban B40 group, must be devised immediately. Like it or not, Anwar must take the lead, as the genuine Saudara Anwar, but not as a superficial Dato Seri.


 Rail expansion and new urban centres...

Anwar should excel where Mahathir has failed. Mahathir is insular, against a multiracial party and has never contested in urban seats. He is obsessed with cars and highways. He was never a hero for the downtrodden, the weak and the economically deprived groups either.

Unlike Anwar, Mahathir, as a vocal capitalist, was definitely popular among the businessmen where licences, car APs, government contracts and procurements were dangled in exchange for political support.

Although Mahathir did not appeal to the urban voters, Malays or otherwise, Anwar must recognise that it is impossible to reverse the rural-urban migration process, previously advanced by Mahathir.

The answer to replace Mahathir’s failed industrial policy, is not found in a new agro-based policy strategy. That will not be the right move. Anwar has to tackle the urban poor, the B40, irrespective of race, colour or creed. He must champion their cause, worries, jobs and entitlements.

He has to come up with a grand plan on housing for the urban poor, Singapore style. It is feasible to urbanise some of the semi-rural or semi-urban areas by decentralising KL and the Klang Valley. At the moment, everything is concentrated in KL or its surrounding areas. Too much money is spent in KL, on MRT, LRT, electric supply, water supply, etc.

By introducing regional growth areas at state level, these new economic initiatives could release the pressure on KL as a sole growth centre. With such a strategy, Anwar could tour the states and propose new growth centres that could reduce the dependence on KL to provide accommodation and utility services for everyone.

Many of the surrounding towns could become new satellite cities that possess the same level of infrastructure, utilities, services and facilities as KL and also have the ease of connectivity with KL. And this strategy can only work with the railway as the backbone or the centrepiece. It will not work using Mahathir’s network of toll highways.

This strategy will create new investments, economic and job opportunities, and new commercial activities, for our ‘saudara and saudari’. - Roslan Khan

cheers.

27 November 2021

Sendiri cari susah, sendiri tanggung ma!!!...

 


Dec 8 Judgement Day – All signs show 
court of appeal likely to free Najib Razak...

Mahathir Mohamad has expressed his displeasure over “special treatment” accorded to Najib Razak despite his conviction for abuse of power, criminal breach of trust (CBT) and money laundering. On July 28, 2020, Mr Najib was sentenced to 12 years in prison and fined RM210 million for the crimes involving RM42 million stolen from SRC International Sdn Bhd (a subsidiary of 1MDB).
 
Writing in his blog, Mahathir, who had served twice as prime minister, has criticized the lame duck administration of Ismail Sabri for discrimination in the practice of the rule of law. He specifically compared the different treatment between Anwar Ibrahim and Najib Razak. Of course, Mahathir was the man who sacked Anwar in 1998, and promoted Najib as prime minister in 2009.

He wrote – “While the police broke Anwar’s door and arrested him, handcuffed and thrown into a police car to be detained before he was charged in court, Najib was never arrested or handcuffed or taken to a lockup in a police car. He goes to the court in his car and after the hearing he went home. Yet the charges against him are more serious.”

Did the senile old man admit that during his 22 years iron-fist rule (from 1981 to 2003), he had brutalized his former deputy prime minister Anwar? Or was it an admission that it was his fault for corrupting the judicial system, so much so that Najib could not be arrested, let alone handcuffed, when the world’s biggest crook was allowed to walk like a free man even after he was charged?

Has Mahathir forgotten that when Najib was charged in July 2018 after his Barisan Nasional government was defeated in the May 2018 General Election, he was already installed as the prime minister for the second stint? So, why was Najib not handcuffed and thrown into a police car to be detained before he was charged in court, the same way Anwar was being treated?

In fact, millions of Malaysians were waiting and yearning for the moment to see Najib dressed in the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission’s (MACC) iconic orange uniform. But it didn’t happen largely because Mahathir wanted to show off that he was a bigger man above everyone. However, with his latest ranting, indirectly Mahathir has shown his double standards, if not hypocrisy.


Perhaps Mahathir was cocksure that his protégé-turn-nemesis Najib would end up in the prison under his watch. But did he not anticipate that Najib could be freed by the same judiciary that he had corrupted during his 22-year-rule when he recklessly – or deliberately – resigned without consulting allies in the Pakatan Harapan coalition on Feb 24, 2020?

Yes, on the coming December 8, the Court of Appeal is scheduled to deliver its decision on Najib’s appeal to throw away his conviction. If he succeeds, not only will he crow for months that he has been innocent all along, but he will be able to contest in the next 15th General Election. If fails, he still can try his luck at the Federal Court, the highest court and the final appellate court in Malaysia.
 
But all signs appear to show that the Court of Appeal will likely free the 68-year-old former premier, reversing High Court Judge Mohd Nazlan Mohd Ghazali’s verdict in sentencing Najib to 12 years’ jail last year. The crook should have been jailed the moment he was found guilty. However, he was allowed to walk away a free man pending appeal, a lengthy process that has so far taken a whopping 16 months.

Mahathir was absolutely right to argue that since the Court of Appeal has not decided whether Najib is innocent, he is guilty and should serve his sentence until the court says otherwise. Had Mahathir not perverted and corrupted the rule of law in the first place, Najib and his team of lawyers would not have mocked and wasted the time of the courts with endless deliberate delays.

While Mahathir’s grumbling was particularly targeted at the ridiculous decision of the Sabri government in rewarding “convicted” Najib with RM100 million worth of land the size of two soccer fields, along with a mansion to be built with taxpayers’ money, the old man should realize that the entire stinky issue of Najib toying with the rule of law has continued even during Muhyiddin regime.

Following the collapse of Pakatan in February 2020 after Bersatu president Muhyiddin Yassin, together with PKR deputy president Azmin Ali, betrayed their own government when they conspired and plotted with defeated UMNO and PAS extremists to form a backdoor government, then-PM Mahiaddin alias Muhyiddin had closed one eye, kept quiet, and even freed many crooks.


Under Muhyiddin regime, the people had already suspected that all the crooks charged under the now-collapsed Pakatan Harapan government will be freed – one after another. For example, Riza Aziz, the stepson of Najib who was slapped with 5 charges of money laundering on July 5, 2019, was stunningly discharged not amounting to an acquittal (DNAA) on May 14, 2020.
 
The Muhyiddin government’s settlement with Riza was incredibly ridiculous because after stealing US$248 million, which were misappropriated from sovereign wealth fund 1Malaysia Development Bhd (1MDB), the crook just needed to return about US$107.3 million (RM465.3 million) worth of overseas assets first stolen by Najib – or 43% of his loots.

Less than a month after freeing Riza Aziz, Muhyiddin’s appointed Attorney General Idrus Harun decided on June 9 to let go of another big crook – former Sabah Chief Minister Musa Aman (to help Muhyiddin snatch Sabah via a coup). Under the instruction of the Attorney General’s Chambers, all 46 corruptions and money-laundering charges against Musa were suddenly dropped.

Heck, even RM114 million in cash seized during a high-profile raid on May 17, 2018 at luxury Pavilion Residences owned by Najib Razak’s children has been returned to the crook on August 5, 2021 during Muhyiddin administration. Strangely, the prosecution was not interested in appealing a High Court’s decision to dismiss the forfeiture of the RM114 million cash.

Exactly why didn’t Muhyiddin’s appointed attorney general challenge the court’s ruling to return the extraordinary amount of cash discovered in Najib’s family property? The High Court said the prosecution has failed to prove the monies were obtained from illegal activities. Attorney General Idrus has also failed to present any evidence that the cash originated from 1MDB.

Obviously, not only A.G. Idrus Harun was instructed by PM Muhyiddin to screw up the case on purpose, but also not to file any appeal when the court decided to return the RM114 million cash to crooked Najib. From the beginning, Muhyiddin was not interested at all to send Najib to jail, despite his lies and rhetoric that he was against kleptocrats and corruption.

When Muhyiddin criticized his boss Najib in 2015 over the 1MDB scandal, it was not because he genuinely wanted to fight corruption. Rather, the “Malay first” opportunist saw the golden opportunity to overthrow his boss, hoping he could emerge a hero and become the prime minister. But Najib decisively sacked him instead, forcing Muhyiddin to run around crying for justice.


Hilariously, days after Muhyiddin administration helped to return RM114 million cash to Najib, he was toppled by Najib and UMNO president Zahid who withdrew support for the fragile backdoor Perikatan Nasional government, ending the 17 months of Muhyiddin’s illegitimate government. Till today, traitor Muhyiddin remains a very angry and bitter man over how he was betrayed.

When Muhyiddin was eventually forced to resign on August 16, he again repeated his pledge – “I will never conspire with a kleptocratic group”. But his support for UMNO vice-president Ismail Sabri as the new PM would also mean the inclusion of UMNO crooks like Najib and Zahid in the government, without which the power-hungry Muhyiddin will be left in the opposition.

After Ismail Sabri took over, Najib was overjoyed because the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) has returned to power. Not only Najib has remained free, allowing him to undermine the High Court’s decision, the world’s biggest crook was practically given free access to the lame duck prime minister, whose survival depends on Najib’s kleptocratic group.

PM Ismail Sabri was so weak that Najib was almost appointed as a special economic adviser with ministerial rank. Najib became the first VIP criminal in Malaysia, screamed Mahathir, after the High Court allowed the crook to travel overseas to Singapore to visit his daughter. Prior, other crooks linked to UMNO were also given special privilege – access to passports.

Zahid Hamidi, Najib’s wife, Rosmah Mansor, and his lawyer Muhammad Shafee Abdullah were among several VIPs faced with corruption charges, but were granted access anyway to passport to travel abroad under the lame duck Ismail Sabri administration. In the same month, Najib and his son Nazifuddin were allowed to defer the payment of tax arrears amounting to RM1.69 billion.

During Mahathir’s second stint and Muhyiddin administration, the crooks were blacklisted from travelling abroad and applications to delay paying taxes were never entertained. It’s not rocket science that when Najib is excluded from paying taxes owed, given freedom to travel, accorded police escort, and even awarded RM100 million in land and a mansion, he is waiting to be acquitted.

And there’s absolutely nothing Mahathir and people can do when PM Ismail Sabri quietly interfered to help Najib and other UMNO crooks, while the power-crazy Muhyiddin pretended nothing had happened. When it’s as clear as crystal that Najib is making a return to the premiership, do you really think there are any judges in the corrupted Judicial who are brave and courageous enough to go against the next most powerful man? - FT

Has Najib’s campaign to annul 
his case gone royal?...

A full eight months on from that hearing, there has been no sound from the panel of three judges as to what their conclusions are. The case of the former prime minister, sentenced to 12 years for his outrageous thefts from the nation, is of the highest public interest and yet in Malaysia, we see him not only allowed to roam free whilst he appeals his conviction, but to continue to sit in Parliament.

Now, more than a year after the original conviction, the delay in progressing that appeal is itself becoming a national embarrassment and an indicator that behind-the-scenes efforts are being made to influence the outcome of the judicial process.

On this subject, please reference the warning of the former prime minister before Ismail Sabri elbowed him aside, which was that Najib’s party UMNO would indeed move to abuse its political power, if allowed back in office, in order to get its leaders off the hook over the swathe of criminal charges relating to their corrupted governance.

He revealed that he himself was put under pressure to do just this and at the same time conceded that a ruling prime minister does indeed possess the power to bring pressure on the courts. So much for Malaysia’s independent judiciary.

So far, a steady stream of senior UMNO power brokers have seen their charges dropped and the cases against them collapse following the backdoor coup. No one can be under any illusion, but that Najib’s present top priority is to join their escape route.

The party, meanwhile, not only have no shame in him continuing in their ranks but worse, having seized back political power through the backdoor and with the assistance of the present Agong (also the long friendly Sultan of Najib’s home state), the present UMNO prime minister has exalted this convict to a senior position advising on policy and leading campaigns.

Given that Najib’s present priority is no secret, there can be no surprise that the talk currently swirling around KL’s legal circles has been of increasingly thuggish pressure on his part to get the Appeal Court judges to overturn one of the most rock-solid judgements in Malaysian legal history, namely his conviction by Judge Mohd Nazlan Mohd Ghazali in July of 2020.

What other reason can there be for the quite extraordinary delay in the case following constant postponements and lengthy periods of silence? It took almost an entire year for the appeal to be even heard last May in what was an unusually long and laboured session with Najib’s lawyers pouring out their standard torrent of scatter-gun challenges and complaints.


Now, a full eight months on from that hearing, there has been no sound from the panel of three judges as to what their conclusions are. This is not normal nor acceptable and it has moved beyond excuses into the territory of dark suspicion.

Even in the most inefficient jurisdiction under the cosh of Covid the Najib case ought to have stood out as a case of national importance deserving the swiftest expedition. On all normal criteria, the production of this judgement should have gone to the front of the queue to give the nation closure. Instead, it has drifted into oblivion.

In consequence, the high-level perpetrator of one of the largest thefts in global history has been allowed to work his way back into a position of enormous power. Contrast the Malaysian judiciary’s treatment of the Najib case with the UK courts’ handling of the complaint that Boris Johnson had exceeded power by proroguing Parliament in 2019.

The UK case was raced through the Appeal Court and on to the Supreme Court judgement in DAYS. Meanwhile, the judgement on Najib’s appeal has yet to be pronounced one year and three months later. Dragging of feet gives legs to rumours.

This appalling dragging of judicial feet had given legs to all the rumours that are rife. The present widespread concern circulating in judicial circles is that not only has Najib used all his resources to bully the Appeal Court directly, but that in the face of the court’s evident and righteous reluctance to be strong-armed from its objective duty, he has now sought to engage the King to bring further pressure in his favour.

Since May, three judges have held out against giving a judgement that was plainly arrived at months ago. Were that judgement to have been in favour of this powerful kingpin of both the PN and UMNO governments, namely Najib, there would have been no reason for delay – those in charge would have been delighted and the judges would have trodden on roses.

Only if the judgement had been negative (in keeping with the powerful evidence that convicted Najib in the first place) would there have been the slightest reason for so much dilly dallying and postponement.

We can, therefore, guess what the Appeal Court judgement is. For the King to interfere on behalf of his home state friend and ally (and mega-kleptocrat) would be unconscionable and deeply damaging to the reputation of the nation and its leaders. He should not be asked to do so. – Sarawak Report

cheers.

25 November 2021

Pasaitu bini mengamuk tiap kali balik dari market...



Can I as the son of Tun Dr Ismail ask, 
like Najib, for a govt property?...

Life is unfair. When Tunku Abdul Rahman retired, Kenny Hills was renamed Bukit Tunku and our first prime minister was given a house at the foot of Bukit Tunku.

When Abdul Razak Hussein passed away, his widow and family were given a house on Jalan Eaton just off Circular Road which was renamed Jalan Tun Razak.

When my father (Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman,pix above) died, he died as acting Prime Minister in a house he owned. My mother had to surrender the government car and received nothing from the Razak government except for a pension that my father was entitled to.

Several government properties were named after my father but some – such as the Tun Ismail Atomic Research Centre (Pusat Penyelidikan Atom Tun Dr Ismail or PUSPATI) – were renamed during Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s premiership.

A memorial budgetted for, and supposedly to be implemented by the National Archives, has not taken off and many Malaysians, as a result, have largely forgotten Dr Ismail and the ideals he fought and lived for.

Would it be proper for me, as his eldest son, to ask for fairness from the government to an entitlement now as passed by Parliament?


If former Prime Minister Najib Razak can request property worth RM100 million, what is my late father’s worth in 1973 values at today’s prices? If the children of past prime ministers can inherit lucrative properties gifted to their fathers or the widows of the ex-prime ministers, should I and my siblings be deprived?

What can subsequent governments since Razak’s premiership point to that was given to my family, even as a token, of the nation’s gratitude?

Can I at least ask for seed capital or an asset I could monetise to set up a fund for scholarships in my father’s name, The Tun Dr Ismail Scholarship, which incidentally was Maybank’s proposed tribute to him as ex-chairman of Malayan Banking, but which never took off?

My late father asked for no reward or recognition for the work he did, voluntarily and willingly giving his life for to the nation he loved, and it would not be proper for me to burden the nation with any guilt or regret for not giving material wealth as reward.

But I do ask that his vision and ideals for the nation as recorded in his Hansard speeches and his policy pronouncements be enshrined and imparted as education in schools and universities so that we can be a better nation. - Tawfik Ismail


1. Malaysia is said to believe in the rule of law. The essence of the rule of law is that it must apply equally to every individual. There may be a range of punishment in consideration of the seriousness or otherwise of the crime. But everyone is entitled to be punished within the same range of fines or imprisonment.

2. Still monarchs are given certain exemption but for most crimes the law applies equally.

3. In Malaysia we are seeing blatant discrimination in the practice of the law. Specifically, we see vastly different treatment between Anwar Ibrahim and Najib Razak.

4. While the police broke Anwar’s door and arrested him, handcuffed and thrown into a police car to be detained before he was charged in court, Najib was never arrested or handcuffed or taken to a lockup in a police car. He goes to the court in his car and after the hearing he went home. Yet the charges against him are more serious.

5. Even when he was found guilty and sentenced to 12 years jail and a fine of more than 200 million Ringgit, he has not paid his fine or been jailed simply because he had appealed his case.


6. When a person is found guilty, he is guilty until the appeal court decide that he is innocent. But the appeal court has not decided that he is innocent. Therefore, he is guilty and he should serve his sentence. But he is treated like an innocent person, not paying his fine or jailed.

7. As far as is known no other person has been treated this way. More than that he is now allowed to leave the country. Again, there is no such precedent anywhere.

8. With Najib remaining free, it has allowed him to undermine the High Court’s decision and inevitably undermine the whole institution. And given Najib’s sphere of influence, he is able to spread this mischief among his followers who are naive and gullible.

9. On what basis are these privileges given to Najib when it was not given to Anwar or any other convicted person. Clearly the rule of law has not been applied equally between them. All these may be claimed as legal but they are not in accordance with the rule of law.

10. And now the Government has decided to reward him for his so-called service to the country. Yes, other retired Prime Ministers have been awarded old Government houses in recognition of their service. These PMs have not committed any crime and had not been found guilty of stealing Government money. Najib borrowed billions of Ringgit which have not been recovered. Now the Government has to pay interest on the loans amounting to 2 billion Ringgit a year for decades. Government will also have to pay the loans amounting to 40 billion Ringgit.


11. Yet the Government proposes to reward Najib with RM66 million worth of land and build a house at RM40 million Ringgit for Najib. Legal but not in accord with requirement for equal treatment before the law.

12. Najib is a convicted criminal who had lost billions of Ringgit of Government money. But the Government of Ismail Sabri thinks stealing and losing Government money and forcing the Government to pay billions back for the loan that Najib had borrowed deserved to be rewarded with 100 million Ringgit.

13. What is clear is that the Government of Ismail Sabri has not adhered to the equality before the laws as expected by the rule of law. No other convicted person in Malaysia has been treated the way Najib is being treated.

14. There is a need for the Governments of Mahiaddin Yassin (Perikatan Nasional) and Ismail Sabri to explain why the treatment of a convict like Datuk Seri Najib is different from all other convicts in Malaysia, all other retired PMs of Malaysia. - chedet 

cheers.