Pengumuman pemansuhan Ordinan-Ordinan Darurat yang dibuat oleh Takiyuddin Hassan 26 Julai dalam parlimen disifatkan oleh Ahli Parlimen Gua Musang Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah satu pembohongan dan perbuatan tidak cerdik yang tidak boleh dimaafkan. Sehubungan itu kata bekas Menteri Kewangan itu, Mahiaddin dan jemaah kabinetnya perlu meletak jawatan dan serahkan kerajaan kepada Yang di-Pertuan Agong. Biarlah Agong dengan budi bicaranya untuk membentuk kerajaan baru. Dok perasan Agong akan pilih dia lah tu!!!... - minah kerang
Umno veteran Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah has suggested for the 5 day special parliamentary sitting be extended to enable the emergency proclamation and related ordinances to be tabled and debated by MPs as ordered by the king. The government is lost he said PM and the cabinet should bow out... - melgoh
Penjelasan Anwar isu "fake news"
pertemuannya dengan YDPA...
No more parliamentary sitting on Monday. PM Din has decided to postpone it to a later date after being advised by health DG that the parliament is no longer safe, it’s now a high risk locality.Din batalkan Ordinan2 Darurat Covid tanpa perkenan DYMAgong. Sekarang Din guna alasan Covid dan nama Dr Noor Hisham Abdullah,KPKKM untuk tangguh Parlimen. Penglibatan kontinjen Malaysia bagi acara sidang Dewan Rakyat bertempat di Parlimen pada 2 Ogos 2021 (Isnin) telah dibatalkan akibat PM Din telah membawa lari tiang gol. Satu lagi usaha membodohkan rakyat!!!.. - minah kerang
Ada hati nak jadi PM...
Time for PM to prove
his majority in parliament...
It has never happened before when the Yang di-Pertuan Agong issued a very strongly worded statement to openly rebuke a sitting government. But as we know, it happened on July 29, 2021, when current Yang di-Pertuan Agong rebuked federal minister Datuk Takiyuddin Hassan for misleading Parliament that emergency ordinances had been revoked. The Agong also said Takiyuddin and attorney-general Tan Sri Idrus Harun had not fulfilled their assurance that the revocation of emergency ordinances would be debated in Parliament. The August House is carrying out a five-day special sitting from Monday July 26.
Incidentally, according to former Umno MP Tawfik Ismail, "This is not the first time Takiyuddin has shown contempt for the Constitution and ignored Parliamentary Standing Orders." "In 2017," says Tawfik, "he seconded the tabling of RUU355 without the consent of the Council of Rulers and against the Standing Orders which states that before any motion pertaining to the religion is tabled, the Council of Rulers must give its consent."
To him, PAS through Takiyuddin and its president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang then had "showed disregard and disrespect for the Constitution and the Malay Rulers". Tawfik is the son of former deputy prime minister the late Tun Ismail Abdul Rahman.
Back to the issue at hand. Yes, Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin was not named specifically in the Istana Negara a statement, but Takiyuddin was talking on behalf of the government on matters decided by the government led by Muhyiddin. In short, Takiyuddin had the blessings of the prime minister when he addressed Parliament on Monday.
Hence, with the rebuke by the Agong, the right thing, or rather the only thing to do, is for the prime minister to step down. Of course, there are people like the Menteri Besar of Pahang and Perak who want Muhyiddin to take responsibility and seek forgiveness from the Agong. But, that is being drowned by calls, or should I say demands, for Muhyiddin to resign.
However, Muhyiddin is having none of all that. He has not apologized, at least not publicly. Nor has he shown any sign he's stepping down. Instead, he issued a statement through his office to counter the one issued by Istana Negara. I will not go into the details except to point out that while the Agong had said His Majesty was not informed of the ordinances' revocation, thus had not consented to it.
Muhyiddin claimed that the cabinet had advised the Agong and in the same breath highlighted Article 40 of the Federal Constitution that "the Yang di- Pertuan Agong shall act in accordance with the advice of the cabinet." What do you make of that? I'm sure we all have our own take on it. I'll leave it to the readers to opine what Muhyiddin was saying or what the message of his statement was.
But borrowing the words of author Kim Quek writing his article in Malaysiakini, "a confrontation of sorts has occurred between the Agong and the prime minister." I agree, and surely many of you too. Its for all to see!
Umno man Datuk Seri Johari Ghani sees the country heading towards a constitutional crisis following the Agong's expression of disappointment over the revocation of emergency ordinances without his consent, and the reply from the PMO. This, says the former second finance minister, does not bode well for the people and the nation.
According to constitutional law expert professor Aziz Bari, "As anything else, crisis stage is on when the routine process of the Constitution is no longer possible. We have actually reached the second or third phase of the crisis." The first level, as Aziz sees it, "was when the Agong met up with the Malay Rulers and called for Parliament to reconvene as soon as possible, and the government started to delay the summoning."
As Wikipedia puts it, in political science a constitutional crisis is a problem or conflict in the function of a government that the political constitution or other fundamental governing law is perceived to be unable to resolve. There are several variations to this definition naturally.
And the crisis may arise from a variety of possible causes too. Among the example listed is that a government may want to pass a law contrary to its constitution. Another is that government institutions themselves may falter or fail to live up to what the law prescribes them to be. Whatever the definition and cause, constitutional crisis its not good, as rightly pointed out by Johari earlier.
What's the way out in our present context? Bearing in mind Muhyiddin has no intention of relinquishing his post. As it is anyway. Aziz as well as many law experts say the Yang di-Pertuan Agong can remove a prime minister who does not have majority support.
Journalist Azril Annuar writing for The Vibes says the clearest and most obvious step (which the Agong can take) is to summon all MPs individually to Istana Negara as soon as possible to determine if Muhyiddin still has the backing of the majority of the House. I agree with DAP's Lim Kit Siang when he said if the prime minister is not prepared to resign, let the first item of parliamentary business on Monday be a test whether he still has majority support.
Monday August 2 is when the parliament special sitting is scheduled to reconvene. We know Thursday's (July 29) sitting was adjourned three times with the Speaker or deputy speakers citing reasons which I do not want to repeat here. Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim has filed a motion for a vote of no confidence against the prime minister.
Many journalists, political analysts and observers expect Speaker Datuk Azhar Harun to block it. I hope that will not be the case. Please give Muhyiddin a chance to prove himself. Going by what deputy prime minister Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri Yaakob has said, that the government has the support of more than 110 MPs, then there is nothing the government has to fear in particular! Just prove the bravado and allow Muhyiddin to be tested in Parliament.- Mohsin Abdullah
Is Muhyiddin govt waging war
against extremely angry King...
When Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin, Attorney General Idrus Harun, House Speaker Azhar Harun (brother of AG), and leaders of allies – UMNO and PAS – met and hatched a plan to avoid a parliamentary vote on Monday (July 26), the first day the Parliament reconvened this year since the Proclamation of Emergency on January 12, they thought it would be a piece of cake.
The plan was like a school kid, who in his attempt to avoid punishments, tried to forge his parents’ signature on the report card after failing the school’s final exam. The idiot sent to do the job was de facto law minister Takiyuddin Hassan, who surprised the entire nation on Monday when he announced that the Cabinet had already revoked the emergency ordinances some five days earlier (July 21).
But unlike the school kid, who may be able to trick both his parents and class teacher, the backdoor government cannot easily forge King Sultan Abdullah’s signature and get away with it. Unlike a school report card, the revocation of the emergency ordinances must be published through something called an official gazette. There isn’t any gazette despite Takiyuddin’s claim.
So when the Opposition grilled Takiyuddin, the secretary-general of PAS Islamist party, he was immediately caught with his pants down. The half-baked plan, like all other half-baked economic and Covid-19 pandemic policies, backfired spectacularly. He panicked and could not answer a simple question – had or had not the Agong (King) consented to a backdated revocation.
The suspicious over Takiyuddin’s dubious claim subsequently snowballs after fellow Federal Territories Minister Annuar Musa said the cancellation of the emergency laws was actually “work in progress”. Backdoor Prime Minister Mahiaddin (glamour name: Muhyiddin) has chosen to hide, running away from the Parliament since Monday’s chaotic Parliament session.
House Speaker Azhar Harun, the partner-in-crime of the illegitimate Muhyiddin government, tried to cover-up for Takiyuddin, defending the de facto law minister’s lame excuse that he would explain the matter only on Monday (August 2). Of course, by then, it would be water under the bridge as the current State of Emergency will expire on Sunday (August 1).
Apparently, under Article 150(7) of the Federal Constitution, Emergency Ordinances will continue to take effect for six months, even after the expiry of the State of Emergency, unless it is annulled through Parliament. The regime cannot allow the emergency law to be debated, let alone voted in the August House, as it would reveal that the prime minister has lost his simple-majority support and thus must resign.
It was clearly a desperate and hastily glued plan to waste the ongoing five-day special sitting (which was reluctantly scheduled just to satisfy the King’s demands for the Parliament to reconvene), after which the next Parliament sitting will be in September. Muhyiddin’s Perikatan Nasional government had been in constipation since Monday, praying that the Palace would close one eye.
However, the King, who had been insulted three times by the power-hungry regime, was not ready to be disrespected again. Even if the monarch wanted to, it will be foolish to help Muhyiddin, whose popularity reportedly has plunged to below 20% due to his Coronavirus mishandling and economic mismanagement – leading to poverty, starvation, and close to 10,000 Covid deaths.
On July 29), after giving enough ropes for the regime to hang itself, the Agong issued a royal statement, officially denied he had consented to the scrapping of emergency laws as claimed by Takiyuddin. Worse, Sultan Abdullah said that he was “deeply saddened” by de-facto law minister Takiyuddin Hassan’s false statement in Parliament that the Emergency Ordinances have been revoked.
Sultan Abdullah said the government had “confused” Parliament, had “misled” Members of Parliament, had “rushed” to revoke the emergency ordinances, had “disrespected” the rule of law, and more crucially, that it had “undermined” the function and powers of the Agong as the head of state as per the Constitution. These alone are sufficient to prove that the regime has committed treason.
But Muhyiddin government’s treachery did not stop there. Interestingly, the King also exposed that he was not informed of the matter during a virtual meeting with Takiyuddin and AG Idrus Harun on July 24. Exactly how could the Cabinet claim to have scrapped the emergency laws on July 21 when Sultan Abdullah did not even know about it three days into the future (July 24)?
Here’s the juiciest part – during the virtual meeting on July 24 with Takiyuddin Hassan and AG Idrus Harun, both had agreed with the King’s decree to table and debate the suggestion to cancel all Emergency Ordinances in the Parliament for the purposes of annulment. However, it never happened. To say both despicable men had deceived and lied to the Malay Sultan is an understatement.
Muhyiddin, together with his top lieutenants Azmin Ali and Hamzah Zainudin might execute a backup plan to throw Takiyuddin, AG Idrus and House Speaker Azhar under the bus to save the backdoor government. However, at this stage, sacrificing the three bootlickers may not do the trick. Everyone knows the three minions have acted under the prime minister’s instruction.
The King would certainly look like a fool if he blindly accepts the resignations of the trio, believing that Muhyiddin was not aware of the scheme. The fact that the monarch mentioned he was deeply saddened – “twice” – in the royal media statement speaks volumes about his extreme anger over how the so-called Malay-Muslim government repetitively disrespects, belittles, and insults the Malay Royal Institution.
By faking the revocation of the emergency laws without the consent from the Palace was clearly an exercise to usurp the powers of the Agong. That means the Perikatan Nasional government, comprising primarily of UMNO, Bersatu and PAS political parties, is waging war against Yang di-Pertuan Agong (the King), and offence that carries capital punishment – “death penalty”.
The stunning locking of the Opposition and other MPs in the Parliament building yesterday under the pretext that there were some Covid-19 positive cases detected, but at the same time allowing pro-Muhyiddin Cabinet members to travel to the prime minister’s residence for an emergency meeting, was yet another demonstration of abuse of power practised in a dictatorial-style leadership.
The defiant Prime Minister Office (PMO) has stubbornly maintained that the revocation of the emergency ordinances was done in accordance with the law, despite the fact that it was not because legally and constitutionally the King must first approve it. The PMO argued that Agong must obediently act on the advice of the prime minister. Hence, it didn’t matter what the monarch has to say.
Even if Agong must blindly agree to whatever the prime minister wants to do, which is not, should not the regime wait for the royal signature? How does the regime plan to prove that the revocation was legally done without the official gazette, which itself must have the King’s consent? Perhaps Dictator Muhyiddin plans to forge Sultan Abdullah’s signature and forcefully gazette it.
Amusingly, the PMO said Muhyiddin had written a letter to the Agong on July 23 advising the ruler to revoke the Emergency Ordinances, and again in an audience on July 27. But even if indeed there was such a dubious letter, how could Takiyuddin claim that the laws had already been revoked on July 21 – “two days before” the so-called letter arrives on the King’s desk?
In the same breath, if indeed the emergency laws had been revoked on July 21, and the whole process was done in accordance with the law, why was there a need to go back to the King on July 27 (some six days later)? Does not this mean that consent from Sultan Abdullah is needed, after all, hence leading to the scramble to do damage control, which ultimately fails?
The contradiction, inconsistency, and arrogance displayed by the PMO have again lent credence that the prime minister has declared war on the Agong and all the nine Malay Rulers. Muhyiddin behaves as if he is the King, “ordering” rather than advising the monarch. In essence, the power-crazy Muhyiddin treats Sultan Abdullah like a pariah.
It appears that the Agong’s persistence that the Emergency Ordinances must be tabled and debated in Parliament before it could be scrapped suggests that the monarch had wanted the legitimacy of Muhyiddin to be tested. Knowing that Muhyiddin does not have the numbers, it’s as good as telling the self-described stupid prime minister to resign.
As the regime shamelessly and arrogantly digs in, refusing to either resign or test its legitimacy in the Parliament, it will do more harm than good to the ruling coalition. Exactly how could it win the votes from the rural Malay folks with the open confrontations and clashes with the Malay King? The Malays finally see the real damage a Malay-Muslim government can do to the country. Muhyiddin behaves as if he is the King, “ordering” rather than advising the monarch.
– FT
cheers.
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